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Palestina logra una victoria histórica en la OIT frente al rechazo de EE.UU. e Israel

Por: R. Tordesillas

El secretario general de la Federación General de Sindicatos Palestinos, Shaher Saad, ha calificado como una «victoria histórica» la defensa del estatus de observador de Palestina en la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT). La declaración, realizada este viernes 5 de junio de 2026, supone un respaldo multilateral a la causa palestina frente a la presión ejercida por Estados Unidos e Israel.

Saad subrayó que el mantenimiento de este estatus en el organismo de la ONU representa un hito diplomático para Palestina, que logró ser admitida como observadora en la OIT en 2024. La decisión de la organización laboral internacional reafirma la legitimidad de la representación palestina en un foro clave, pese a los intentos de Washington y Tel Aviv por revertirla.

Es una victoria histórica contra los intentos de Estados Unidos e Israel de despojarnos de nuestro derecho a estar presentes en las instituciones internacionales.

La votación en la OIT, cuyo resultado exacto no se ha hecho público, se produce en un contexto de creciente aislamiento diplomático de Israel y de preocupación por la situación de los trabajadores palestinos en los territorios ocupados. Diversos grupos sindicales y organizaciones de derechos humanos han respaldado la postura palestina, que consideran un paso adelante en la defensa de los derechos laborales y políticos del pueblo palestino.

La denominada «victoria» en la OIT se suma a otras recientes conquistas diplomáticas de la Autoridad Palestina, que busca consolidar su presencia en los organismos multilaterales como vía para presionar a Israel y a sus aliados. Estados Unidos, por su parte, no ha emitido una declaración oficial tras la votación, aunque fuentes diplomáticas sugieren que podría buscar medidas para limitar la participación palestina en otras agencias de la ONU.

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Planet Labs presume de ingresos recurrentes frente a la 'volatilidad binaria' de sus rivales en satélites

Por: R. Tordesillas

La compañía de observación terrestre Planet Labs publicó los resultados de su primer trimestre fiscal el 4 de junio de 2026. Durante la presentación, la directora financiera y presidenta, Ashley Johnson, destacó la estrategia de la empresa basada en ingresos recurrentes, lo que la diferencia de competidores que dependen de ventas puntuales de hardware.

“Esa es una de las formas en que creo que nos diferenciamos de empresas que van a tener resultados mucho más binarios”, declaró Johnson. “Si vendes hardware, reconoces los ingresos cuando entregas ese hardware. Si falla, ese es el final de la historia”.

La declaración subraya la apuesta de Planet Labs por un modelo de suscripción y servicios continuos, en contraste con rivales como Maxar o BlackSky, que también operan en el mercado de imágenes satelitales pero con mayor exposición a contratos gubernamentales y de defensa de gran escala.

Resultados financieros y perspectivas

Aunque la compañía no desglosó cifras concretas en las declaraciones, el enfoque en ingresos recurrentes busca ofrecer a los inversores una visión más estable y predecible del negocio. Planet Labs opera una constelación de más de 200 satélites Dove y SuperDove, que capturan imágenes diarias de toda la superficie terrestre.

El modelo de datos como servicio permite a Planet Labs generar ingresos constantes a través de suscripciones, en lugar de depender de contratos únicos de lanzamiento o fabricación. Según Johnson, esta estrategia reduce el riesgo de volatilidad en los resultados financieros.

La competencia en el sector de observación terrestre se intensifica, con actores tradicionales como Maxar Technologies y emergentes como BlackSky compitiendo por contratos gubernamentales y comerciales. Sin embargo, Planet Labs apuesta por la diferenciación a través de su capacidad de revisita diaria global y su modelo de negocio recurrente.

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España construye en Lisboa el hangar secreto para los drones solares de ICEYE que vigilarán el sur de Europa

Por: A. Pita

La empresa española de defensa OVERVOXT, con sede en Torrijos (Toledo), ha sido seleccionada por la multinacional finlandesa ICEYE para desarrollar la infraestructura de almacenamiento de sus drones solares. El anuncio, realizado el 4 de junio de 2026, refuerza la posición de la industria española en el sector de la defensa y la tecnología de drones de alta persistencia.

OVERVOXT ha instalado en Lisboa un hangar específico diseñado para albergar y dar servicio a los drones solares de ICEYE, compañía especializada en tecnología de observación terrestre y radar de apertura sintética (SAR). La infraestructura permitirá el almacenamiento, mantenimiento y operación de estos vehículos aéreos no tripulados (UAV) de larga duración, capaces de permanecer en el aire durante semanas gracias a la energía solar.

El acuerdo supone un hito para la compañía toledana, que consolida su presencia internacional en un mercado estratégico. Según fuentes de la empresa, los drones solares de ICEYE requieren instalaciones específicas para su recarga y almacenamiento, un nicho en el que OVERVOXT ha demostrado capacidad técnica. La colaboración se enmarca en la creciente demanda de soluciones de defensa basadas en drones de alta persistencia, así como en la apuesta por la cooperación tecnológica entre España y Finlandia.

Con este proyecto, OVERVOXT no solo refuerza su cartera de clientes internacionales, sino que también contribuye a posicionar a la industria española como un actor relevante en el ecosistema europeo de defensa. No se han revelado los términos económicos del acuerdo ni la capacidad exacta del hangar, aunque fuentes del sector destacan que se trata de una infraestructura clave para el despliegue de estos sistemas en el sur de Europa.

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Noruega y Japón aceleran constelación de satélites espía: imágenes cada 10 minutos

Por: B. Ovejero

La empresa noruega Kongsberg Satellite Services (KSAT) y la japonesa Institute for Q-shu Pioneers of Space (iQPS) han anunciado este jueves la ampliación de su alianza estratégica para impulsar el proyecto QPS-SAR, que prevé construir una constelación de 36 pequeños satélites SAR capaces de proporcionar datos de observación de la Tierra casi en tiempo real.

El acuerdo, según informaron ambas compañías en un comunicado conjunto, busca reducir la latencia en la obtención de imágenes de radar de apertura sintética (SAR), una tecnología clave para aplicaciones de defensa, monitoreo ambiental, seguros y respuesta ante desastres. La constelación completa permitiría obtener imágenes de cualquier punto del planeta con una frecuencia media de 10 minutos.

KSAT, con sede en Tromsø, aportará su red global de estaciones terrestres, mientras que iQPS, con sede en Fukuoka, contribuye con su tecnología de satélites SAR de pequeño tamaño. La colaboración, iniciada en 2021, se refuerza ahora para acelerar el despliegue de la constelación, cuyo objetivo comercial es satisfacer la creciente demanda de datos de observación casi en tiempo real.

El anuncio se produce en un contexto de auge del mercado de observación de la Tierra, donde múltiples actores compiten por ofrecer servicios con la menor latencia posible. La alianza entre KSAT e iQPS combina la experiencia en infraestructura de estaciones terrestres con la capacidad japonesa de fabricación de satélites SAR ligeros, un segmento en expansión dentro de la New Space. Esta colaboración no es nueva, sino que se remonta a 2021, pero ahora se intensifica para acortar plazos. La constelación de 36 satélites, cuando esté completa, permitirá una cobertura global con una frecuencia de revisita de solo diez minutos, muy por debajo de los actuales sistemas de observación, que suelen tardar varias horas o incluso días en proporcionar imágenes actualizadas. Tanto KSAT como iQPS confían en que la alianza posicione a ambas compañías como líderes en el emergente mercado de datos SAR de alta frecuencia, donde ya compiten otras constelaciones como la de Capella Space o la de ICEYE, también de origen noruego.

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PlayStation quema 200 millones en live-service y vuelve a los juegos para un solo jugador

Por: I. Lasagabaster

PlayStation ha usado su más reciente evento State of Play para dejar clara su nueva dirección estratégica. Tras una serie de costosos tropiezos con títulos multijugador en vivo, la compañía de Sony Interactive Entertainment vuelve a centrarse en lo que mejor sabe hacer: juegos premium, narrativos, para un solo jugador, según anunció durante la presentación del 3 de junio de 2026.

El giro supone un reconocimiento implícito de que la apuesta por los juegos como servicio (live-service) no ha dado los frutos esperados. Durante los últimos años, Sony invirtió sumas millonarias en títulos multijugador que no lograron consolidarse frente a competidores como Fortnite, Call of Duty o Genshin Impact. Algunos proyectos fueron cancelados o recibieron críticas tibias por parte de los jugadores.

La muestra State of Play de una hora comenzó y terminó con presentaciones de títulos que encajan en el perfil tradicional de PlayStation: experiencias cinematográficas, mundos abiertos cuidadosamente diseñados y sagas consolidadas. El mensaje fue inequívoco: la compañía prioriza las franquicias que construyeron su reputación, como God of War, The Last of Us y Horizon, frente a lanzamientos experimentales en línea.

Aunque Sony no ha proporcionado cifras concretas sobre las pérdidas, medios del sector calculan que las inversiones fallidas en juegos como servicio superaron los 200 millones de dólares en los últimos tres años. El cambio de rumbo busca recuperar la confianza de una base de jugadores que había mostrado fatiga ante los anuncios multijugador recurrentes.

La apuesta por el videojuego tradicional no es exclusiva de PlayStation. Competidores como Nintendo nunca abandonaron ese modelo, y Microsoft ha oscilado entre el servicio a través de Game Pass y los lanzamientos individuales de calidad. Sony, sin embargo, se juega más porque su catálogo de exclusivos ha sido históricamente su mayor baluarte frente a la competencia.

Queda por ver si esta estrategia logra sostener el crecimiento del negocio de PlayStation en un mercado que, aunque dominado por el entretenimiento en vivo, aún recompensa generosamente a las experiencias de un jugador de alto presupuesto.

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Navantia firma un nuevo contrato multimillonario con Arabia Saudí para el mantenimiento de las corbetas Avante 2200

Por: A. Pita

Navantia ha suscrito un nuevo contrato con el Ministerio de Defensa de Arabia Saudí para prestar servicios de apoyo al ciclo de vida de las corbetas construidas en el marco del programa Avante 2200. El acuerdo, anunciado el 3 de junio de 2026, consolida la presencia de la empresa pública española en el mercado de defensa saudí, uno de los más dinámicos de Oriente Próximo, y refuerza la relación industrial a largo plazo entre ambos países.

El nuevo contrato, cuyo importe no ha sido revelado inicialmente, se suma a los ya firmados en años anteriores para el mantenimiento y sostenimiento de las cinco corbetas de la clase Al Jubail, entregadas entre 2022 y 2024. Estos buques, de 104 metros de eslora y dotados de sistemas de combate avanzados, constituyen la columna vertebral de la marina saudí en el golfo Pérsico y el mar Rojo. El apoyo abarca desde el suministro de repuestos y la formación de tripulaciones hasta la modernización de equipos y la asistencia técnica integrada.

El programa Avante 2200, firmado en 2018 por unos 2.000 millones de euros, ha sido clave para la carga de trabajo de los astilleros de Navantia en la bahía de Cádiz, especialmente en San Fernando y Puerto Real. La continuidad del contrato de sostenimiento garantiza actividad industrial estable durante los próximos años y consolida la relación con el Ministerio de Defensa saudí en un momento en que el reino ha intensificado sus inversiones en capacidades marítimas.

Fuentes de la compañía han destacado que el acuerdo refuerza la credibilidad de Navantia como proveedor de servicios de ciclo de vida completo, desde el diseño y construcción hasta el apoyo logístico y las actualizaciones tecnológicas. En un mercado global de defensa cada vez más competitivo, la capacidad de ofrecer paquetes integrales de sostenimiento se ha convertido en un factor diferencial frente a otros constructores navales.

El contrato se enmarca en la estrategia de Navantia de diversificar su cartera de clientes internacionales. Además de Arabia Saudí, la compañía mantiene programas activos con Australia (clase Hunter), Emiratos Árabes Unidos y varios países de la OTAN. La nueva adjudicación en Arabia Saudí supone un espaldarazo a la línea de negocio de sostenimiento, que ya representa cerca del 30% de los ingresos del grupo.

Arabia Saudí, por su parte, sigue adelante con su plan Visón 2030 de modernización de sus fuerzas armadas y de localización industrial. El acuerdo con Navantia incluye cláusulas de transferencia de tecnología y colaboración con empresas locales, lo que responde a los objetivos del reino de potenciar su industria de defensa nacional. La firma de este nuevo contrato demuestra la confianza de Riad en la tecnología y el servicio español.

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Marruecos arde: protestas por cortes de agua y electricidad amenazan la estabilidad y la cooperación con España

Por: N. Esteller

El descontento social en Marruecos por las deficiencias en los servicios básicos ha vuelto a manifestarse en dos focos simultáneos. El pasado 31 de mayo, decenas de jóvenes de la localidad de Tizkat, en la región de Béni Mellal, protagonizaron una marcha de protesta hacia la sede provincial para denunciar el deterioro de las carreteras, los cortes de agua y la débil conexión a internet. Los manifestantes consideran que la zona sufre un abandono que afecta gravemente la vida de los habitantes.

Una queja parlamentaria en Kénitra

Paralelamente, en la provincia de Kénitra, el diputado Mustapha Ibrahimi, del Partido de la Justicia y el Desarrollo (PJD), ha presentado una pregunta escrita a la ministra de Transición Energética y Desarrollo Sostenible, Leila Benali, fechada el 1 de junio. En ella denuncia los cortes repetidos de electricidad y agua que sufren varias comunas rurales durante la celebración del Aíd al-Adha, con graves repercusiones para las familias.

Implicaciones para la región

Las protestas en Béni Mellal y la queja parlamentaria en Kénitra reflejan un malestar social que afecta a varias regiones del país magrebí. La falta de infraestructuras y la interrupción de suministros básicos agudizan la percepción de abandono institucional entre la población rural. Aunque el Gobierno marroquí ha puesto en marcha programas de desarrollo, la lentitud en las mejoras genera tensiones.

Para España, como vecino próximo y socio estratégico de Marruecos, el malestar interno tiene implicaciones directas en materia de cooperación migratoria, seguridad y estabilidad regional. Las autoridades españolas siguen de cerca la evolución de estos conflictos locales, que pueden influir en las relaciones bilaterales y en los flujos migratorios hacia Europa.

De momento, ni la ministra Benali ni la provincia de Béni Mellal han emitido declaraciones oficiales. Mientras tanto, los jóvenes de Tizkat aseguran que mantendrán la movilización hasta ser recibidos por las autoridades provinciales.

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Alemania irrumpe en Taiwán y Japón con satélites espía que desafían a China y EE.UU.

Por: R. Tordesillas

La start-up alemana de observación de la Tierra Marble Imaging ha firmado un memorando de entendimiento con la National Taiwan Ocean University y un acuerdo de colaboración con un socio japonés no especificado, según anunció la compañía el 1 de junio de 2026. El movimiento supone la entrada de un actor europeo en el competitivo mercado del Indo-Pacífico, una región donde China y Estados Unidos libran una pugna tecnológica y de seguridad.

El acuerdo con la universidad taiwanesa se centrará en el desarrollo de capacidades de observación marina y en la formación de personal, mientras que la alianza en Japón —que según fuentes del sector podría ser con Japan Space Imaging— busca posicionar la constelación de imágenes de muy alta resolución y revisita rápida de Marble Imaging para atender la creciente demanda de datos geoespaciales en la región.

Una apuesta por la seguridad marítima

La constelación de Marble Imaging está diseñada para proporcionar imágenes de la Tierra con una frecuencia de revisita de varias veces al día, lo que la convierte en una herramienta atractiva para aplicaciones de seguridad marítima, vigilancia de fronteras y respuesta a catástrofes naturales. Según explicó la empresa en un comunicado, la expansión en Asia responde a la necesidad de ofrecer una alternativa europea a los servicios chinos (como los satélites Gaofen) y estadounidenses (como los de Maxar Technologies).

La entrada en Taiwán y Japón refuerza la presencia tecnológica de la Unión Europea en una zona donde Pekín considera que Taiwán es una provincia propia. Alemania mantiene relaciones diplomáticas con la República Popular China, pero el ámbito de la observación terrestre se ha convertido en un campo de disputa estratégica. La National Taiwan Ocean University es una institución pública de la isla especializada en ciencias marinas, y el acuerdo incluye la transferencia de tecnología y la colaboración en proyectos conjuntos de investigación.

Nuestra tecnología de alta resolución y revisita rápida es ideal para las necesidades de monitorización costera y detección de vertidos ilegales en el Indo-Pacífico, una de las regiones con mayor tráfico marítimo del mundo, señala el consejero delegado de Marble Imaging.

El movimiento de Marble Imaging se produce en un contexto de auge de los satélites privados de observación de la Tierra, donde actores como Planet Labs (EE.UU.) o ICEYE (Finlandia) ya compiten por cuota de mercado. La empresa alemana, fundada en 2019, ha recaudado hasta ahora más de 30 millones de euros de inversores como el grupo germano-suizo UBS y el fondo de capital riesgo de la Agencia Espacial Europea.

Japón, por su parte, es un socio clave para la constelación, ya que ofrece tanto un mercado de defensa como de aplicaciones civiles. La colaboración con el socio japonés, según la empresa, permitirá comercializar las imágenes en el archipiélago y en otros países del sudeste asiático.

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El Pentágono inyecta 184 millones en comunicaciones por láser espaciales para no perder la carrera militar

Por: B. Ovejero

La empresa estadounidense Observable Space ha cerrado una ronda de financiación Serie A por valor de 90 millones de dólares (unos 82 millones de euros) y ha recibido un contrato Indefinite Delivery, Indefinite Quantity (IDIQ) de 94 millones de dólares (unos 86 millones de euros) por parte de la Fuerza Espacial de Estados Unidos. El anuncio, realizado el 1 de junio de 2026, refuerza la apuesta del Pentágono por las comunicaciones por láser como pilar de la infraestructura espacial militar.

El contrato, adjudicado por la Fuerza Espacial a través del programa Accelerate the Procurement and Fielding of Innovative Technologies (APFIT) del Departamento de Guerra estadounidense, tiene como objetivo ampliar las capacidades de conocimiento del dominio espacial (SDA). Según fuentes oficiales, la plataforma de comunicaciones por láser (lasercom) de Observable Space proporcionará enlaces de alta capacidad y baja probabilidad de intercepción, críticos para misiones militares en el espacio.

La ronda Serie A, que suma 90 millones de dólares, servirá para acelerar las asociaciones en comunicaciones por láser, escalar la producción de sistemas en órbita y expandir las operaciones internacionales de la compañía. El aumento de la inversión privada y pública en este segmento refleja la creciente demanda de comunicaciones ópticas seguras en el contexto de la competencia estratégica entre potencias espaciales.

Observable Space, con sede en Estados Unidos, se consolida así como un actor clave en el emergente mercado de las comunicaciones por láser, una tecnología que promete revolucionar la transmisión de datos entre satélites y estaciones terrestres al ofrecer velocidades muy superiores a las radiofrecuencias tradicionales y una mayor resistencia a interferencias.

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Colombia bate récord histórico de observadores electorales para frenar la polarización

Por: C. Vasallo

Las elecciones presidenciales que se celebran este domingo 31 de mayo de 2026 en Colombia han alcanzado un récord histórico de observadores electorales, según informaron las autoridades electorales del país. La amplia participación de veedores internacionales y locales busca reforzar la transparencia y la confianza en el proceso, en unos comicios que se disputan en un clima de alta polarización.

El Consejo Nacional Electoral (CNE) colombiano confirmó que nunca antes se había registrado una presencia tan numerosa de observadores en unas votaciones presidenciales. Aunque no se han facilitado cifras concretas, fuentes del organismo señalaron que la afluencia de misiones internacionales y acompañantes nacionales duplica la de anteriores procesos.

La Misión de Observación Electoral (MOE), entidad colombiana independiente, destacó que el récord refleja el interés de la comunidad internacional por el desarrollo de los comicios, así como el compromiso de las autoridades con la transparencia. «Nunca antes habíamos tenido una cobertura tan amplia», señalaron desde la MOE en un comunicado.

Entre los organismos internacionales presentes figuran la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA), la Unión Europea y la Unión Interamericana de Organismos Electorales (UNIORE), además de numerosas fundaciones y ONG. La mayoría de los observadores se han desplegado en regiones consideradas estratégicas o con antecedentes de violencia política, como el departamento del Cauca y la frontera con Venezuela.

El presidente del CNE, César Augusto Arias, calificó la jornada como «un ejercicio inédito de vigilancia democrática» y aseguró que todos los puestos de votación cuentan con al menos un observador acreditado. «Esto garantiza que cualquier incidencia será registrada y puesta en conocimiento de la autoridad electoral», afirmó.

La jornada transcurre sin incidentes graves hasta el momento, aunque las autoridades han activado protocolos de seguridad reforzados ante posibles intentos de perturbación del orden público. El Ejército y la Policía Nacional mantienen desplegados a más de 200.000 efectivos en todo el territorio.

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México aprueba reforma que anula elecciones si hay intervención extranjera

Por: F. Olázaran

El Senado de México ha aprobado este viernes 29 de mayo de 2026 una reforma constitucional que establece como causal de anulación de elecciones la intervención extranjera en el proceso electoral. La iniciativa, promovida por el oficialismo, busca proteger la soberanía electoral del país frente a posibles injerencias externas, en un contexto de crecientes críticas internacionales a los procesos electorales mexicanos.

Una reforma con trasfondo geopolítico

La modificación constitucional, que aún debe ser ratificada por las cámaras locales, establece que cualquier tipo de injerencia extranjera podrá ser motivo para invalidar una elección, siempre que se compruebe su impacto en los comicios. Según fuentes del Senado, la reforma pretende blindar el sistema electoral mexicano ante lo que consideran una creciente presión externa, especialmente por parte de Estados Unidos.

La medida llega en un momento de tensión diplomática entre México y Washington, donde diversos políticos estadounidenses han cuestionado la transparencia de los procesos electorales mexicanos. El oficialismo ha defendido que la reforma es necesaria para evitar que intereses extranjeros condicionen la voluntad popular.

La oposición, por su parte, ha criticado la iniciativa al considerar que podría ser utilizada para impugnar resultados adversos al Gobierno. Sin embargo, la mayoría oficialista en el Senado logró sacar adelante la reforma, que ahora deberá ser aprobada por al menos 17 de los 32 congresos estatales para su entrada en vigor.

Analistas mexicanos señalan que la reforma refleja una preocupación real por la injerencia extranjera, aunque advierten de que su aplicación podría generar controversia si no se establecen mecanismos claros de verificación. La votación en el Senado se produjo con 72 votos a favor y 27 en contra, según informó la propia Cámara.

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EE.UU. necesitará tres años para reponer arsenales clave tras la guerra con Irán, advierte el CSIS

Por: A. Pita

La guerra con Irán ha dejado las reservas de municiones de Estados Unidos en un estado crítico. Según un análisis del Centro de Estudios Estratégicos Internacionales (CSIS por sus siglas en inglés), el país necesitará al menos tres años para restablecer los sistemas de municiones clave, una situación que afecta a su capacidad operativa y a la seguridad de los aliados de la OTAN, incluido España.

El informe, publicado el 29 de mayo de 2026, advierte que el conflicto ha consumido un volumen de proyectiles, misiles y otros materiales bélicos que tardará años en reponerse. La escasez afecta especialmente a sistemas de alta precisión y a municiones convencionales, cuyo ritmo de producción no ha podido seguir el ritmo del consumo en combate.

El CSIS, uno de los think tanks más influyentes de Washington, señala que el Pentágono ya ha activado mecanismos de emergencia para acelerar la producción, pero las limitaciones industriales y de cadena de suministro retrasarán cualquier recuperación significativa hasta, al menos, 2029.

La situación tiene implicaciones directas para la OTAN. Estados Unidos es el principal proveedor de apoyo logístico y militar de la Alianza, y su capacidad reducida podría comprometer la defensa colectiva en Europa. El informe subraya que España y otros países aliados dependen de la disponibilidad de arsenales estadounidenses para sus propias operaciones conjuntas.

El análisis del CSIS llega en un momento de tensión geopolítica creciente, con Estados Unidos inmerso en un conflicto de alta intensidad que ha expuesto las debilidades de su industria de defensa. La reposición de las reservas de municiones se perfila como uno de los desafíos estratégicos más acuciantes para la administración estadounidense en los próximos años.

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La inteligencia de EE.UU. invierte 90 millones en Observable Space para vigilar el espacio con láseres

Por: R. Tordesillas

La empresa estadounidense Observable Space, especializada en sistemas ópticos para comunicaciones por láser y vigilancia espacial, ha anunciado este 29 de mayo de 2026 una financiación de 90 millones de dólares y la adjudicación de un contrato con la Fuerza Espacial de Estados Unidos.

La compañía, con sede en Colorado, desarrolla tecnologías clave para el seguimiento de objetos en órbita y la transmisión segura de datos mediante enlaces láser, un área estratégica tanto para el sector civil como militar. El contrato con la Fuerza Espacial, cuyo importe no se ha revelado, se centra en sistemas de space domain awareness (conciencia situacional espacial), una capacidad crítica para detectar y caracterizar amenazas en el espacio.

Una inyección de capital para escalar

La ronda de financiación, liderada por Shield Capital y participada por In-Q-Tel, el brazo inversor de la comunidad de inteligencia estadounidense, permitirá a Observable Space duplicar su plantilla y acelerar el despliegue de su red de sensores ópticos terrestres y espaciales. La empresa emplea a más de 200 personas y opera observatorios en Estados Unidos y Australia.

Según fuentes de la compañía, los nuevos recursos se destinarán a la construcción de satélites de demostración equipados con terminales de comunicaciones láser, un mercado en rápida expansión que compite con las tecnologías de radiofrecuencia tradicionales.

El espacio como dominio estratégico

El contrato con la Fuerza Espacial refuerza la tendencia de Washington a externalizar capacidades críticas de vigilancia orbital en empresas privadas. Observable Space compite con firmas como LeoStella y Orbit Fab en la contratación militar para el programa Space Domain Awareness.

La empresa no ha detallado el calendario de ejecución del contrato, pero fuentes del sector apuntan a un plazo inicial de tres años, prorrogable hasta un máximo de cinco, con un valor potencial de varios cientos de millones de dólares.

✇Conciertos en Albacete

Creación escénica: "Las voces de Cervantes"

Por: Discos Ruidosos

 

Las voces de Cervantes

XXX FAEM CLM 

Martes 14 de abril, 16:00 h

Teatro de la Paz

Entradas: general 12€ 

 

 

«Las voces de Cervantes» es una creación escénica que busca revivir la esencia de Cervantes desde una mirada actual, a través de tres pilares fundamentales: la música, la dramatización en escena y la creación pictórica en vivo.

 


✇Anarkismo

Interview on especifist anarchism for Ekintza Zuzena

Por: Miguel G. Gómez
From Regeneración, we're publishing the interview conducted by the magazine Ekintza Zuzena with a comrade for its 2025 issue (https://www.nodo50.org/ekintza/2025/numero-51-de-la-revista-ekintza-zuzena/), as it reviews the fundamental threads of our movement.

A preliminary question: How would you define and situate the historically known platformist anarchism? And what about specificist anarchism?

I'll start with some historical notes. First, the Platform emerged in France in the 1920s among anarchist militants who came from Russia. Finally at peace, after a long revolutionary war they couldn't win, they were able to take stock of their journey as a movement during the Russian Revolution. The Dyelo Truda group (one of those exile groups composed of prominent figures such as Nestor Makhno, Pyotr Arshinov, Ida Mett, Gregori Maksimov, and others) concluded that the cause of the defeat by the Bolsheviks was the lack of organization, program, and discipline of the Russian anarchist movement. They had acted differently in each place. There were never any overall strategic plans or forums to discuss them. The Bolsheviks were able to defeat them city by city, region by region, without putting up a fight on any level other than in Ukraine.

Dyelo Truda proposed a new organizational model: the General Union of Anarchists. This model sought to unify the most active elements of anarchism into a single organization under the program outlined in The Platform. I will clarify that it was not a complete program, but a partial one, as they recognized. The full program would have to be debated within this General Union once it was underway.

This new platformism was highly critical of the "anarchist synthesis," an organizational model that blended anarchists from all currents of anarchism into a single organization. According to the platformists, the lack of homogeneity of approaches "would inevitably lead to disintegration when confronted with reality." In other words, it would render the organization ineffective in the face of the major challenges facing any movement. They were extremely critical of anarchist individualism and nihilism ("chaotic anarchism," they called it). They were also unconvinced by anarcho-syndicalism, since in Russia it had been oriented almost exclusively toward industrial workers, neglecting the peasantry, which was the majority social component in Russia.

So, which anarchist militants were they addressing?

We base our hope on other militants: on those who remain faithful to anarchism, having experienced and suffered the tragedy of the anarchist movement, and painfully seek a solution.[1]


Therefore, they proposed an organization with tactical and strategic unity and discipline. Militants should not join an organization to do whatever they wished, but to fulfill its program. Dyelo Truda intended the Platform to be the revolutionary backbone and meeting point of Russian anarchism, given that at the time they were speaking to exiles, although it would soon be extended to all territories.

These approaches were the reason why the Platform fell out of favor with many militants in other countries at the time, and its development was thus slowed. However, its ideas were the driving force behind the Bulgarian Anarchist Communist Federation, which was strongly present in the resistance to the 1934 coup d'état, in the partisan resistance of World War II, and in the postwar period against Soviet domination, until it was finally liquidated in 1948. These ideas also took root in France, among a sector of anarchism that maintained them from its beginnings until the postwar period. And later, they were promoted again by the Libertarian Communist Federation, with Georges Fontenis as its leading exponent. This FCL greatly influenced European anarchism in the 1950s and 1960s, with the French movement being one of the key movements for anarcho-communism today.

Especifismo, for its part, arose directly from the Uruguayan FAU in 1956. Paradoxically, they didn't discover The Plafaform until many years later. Their starting point was Errico Malatesta, whose emphasis on specific organization and refutation of individualism caught their attention. Another of their role models was Mikhail Bakunin, who was enormously important to our movement, promoting specific organizations such as the International Alliance for Socialist Democracy. And their other reference point was Uruguay's earlier specific organizations, organic constructions from the 1920s and 1930s. Thanks to those older militants, who had been in the fray for years, it became clear that the task of political organization wasn't philosophizing and holding meetings, but rather how to approach the tasks of the different work fronts: union, student, neighborhood, and internal.

Their first task was to create the Organic Charter, in which they situated their organization in the Latin American context of the 1950s and outlined short-, medium-, and long-term plans. The younger militants sought to avoid automatically transferring other plans and formulas that had been used in other historical situations. Their anarchism would have to be rooted in the country and its concrete reality.

This especificism (from “specific” organization) was put into practice alone for years by the FAU until it was also taken up by Argentine groups in the 70s. It must be said that they never contemplated anarchist synthesis because nobody really took this avenue of organization into consideration.[2] The FAU went through different stages and even strategic objectives that brought it closer to the Latin American popular national movement of the 70s, which was in its stage of greatest visibility and size, with numerous social fronts and even its own armed organization, the OPR-33.

In the 1990s, especifismo moved away from these perspectives and began to spread to other countries such as Brazil and Chile. From there, in the 2000s, it began to converge with the anarcho-communist movement typical of Europe and the Anglo-Saxon world, and today it is part of the same international movement.

In Latin America, these organizations do not publicly call themselves Especifistas, but rather "organized anarchism," which is also the name given to the International Coordinator of the organizations of our movement.

Although we like these models of anarchism, which we understand as the most capable of influencing reality through anarchism, we must clarify that we are neither a Russian, French, nor Latin American organization, so we will have to create a local anarchism, with the makeup of that local anarchism, to operate in the 21st century.

What is your assessment of the current state of the Iberian libertarian movement, and what challenges and needs do you see in your field?

A movement is a set of actions, ideas and efforts organized by a group of people who share common goals to influence society. Starting from this perspective, you will agree that there is no single homogeneous libertarian movement, given that there are no common objectives across this amalgam of individuals, collectives, initiatives, scenes, spaces, organizations, or unions that claim to be anarchists.

Based on this premise, we could first identify a libertarian movement that seeks to achieve libertarian communism. This would be composed of anarcho-syndicalism and some anarchist collectives and organizations, as well as their related social or cultural projects that help them reach a wider audience.

There are also other paradigms similar to libertarian communism but with different characteristics. I'm talking about communalism, democratic confederalism, the anti-capitalist side of cooperativism, a part of autonomy (whether Marxist or indigenist) and similar proposals, or the radical environmental and anti-development movement. These people tend to be fellow travelers of anarchism and, to some extent, even come from its ranks or have passed through its collectives or organizations, but, for whatever reason, they have disassociated themselves from the libertarian movement as we understand it. Therefore, these initiatives cannot be considered part of our movement; rather, they build and participate in others.

Therefore, speaking of the libertarian movement itself, we have a considerable union space—without achieving the strength of yesteryear, of course—made up of the CGT and CNT and all their offshoots (Solidaridad Obrera, CNT-AIT, SAS Madrid, STS-C, and other smaller union groups). This movement has a considerable presence throughout Spain. It's true that it's a divided and often inter-struggle union space, which diminishes its potential and contributes to its discredit. It's also true that for some unions, libertarian communism is such a far-reaching aspiration that it's not even considered in their current strategy.

If anarcho-syndicalism is the spearhead, there are also organizations or organic initiatives behind it that were founded to contribute to the goal I mentioned earlier. These would be the anarchist synthesis organizations and collectives (this includes what was once called "neighborhood anarchism"), the anarcho-communist ones (currently called "specific," which seems to be the most popular word right now), and the insurrectionist ones. Their strength is limited to their own members, and their influence extends to the broader spaces in which they operate. We're talking about some very specific neighborhoods where they operate. Their presence influences the anti-capitalist scene in the places where they operate, and they are generally based in the urban areas and cities of their metropolitan areas (Madrid, Barcelona, ​​Seville, Valencia, Zaragoza, Granada, A Coruña, etc.). And their real impact comes from their militant capacity and commitment. That's why they have influence.

Next, we have what we can understand as informal anarchism, autonomism, or, as Murray Bookchin would say, "lifestyle anarchism". We could almost consider it a subcultural scene rather than a political movement, but I don't deny the interest of many of the people who participate in it in transforming society at its roots. It inherited part of that subcultural component from the Iberian Peninsula punk scene, which so influenced the anarchism of the 1990s and 2000s.

This informal anarchism or autonomism organizes events that can occasionally become massive, such as protests, protest camps or anarchist book fairs, but they generally remain spaces for socializing and networking rather than for social intervention. As a criticism, they run the risk of falling into inbreeding by residing solely on the margins of the social mainstream. In this sector, we can find both people whose goal is libertarian communism and also those who are not interested and seek to live as freely as possible in today's society.

However, through informal organizations, various networks and coordinators of squatted social centers, libertarian athenaeums, media outlets and counter-information organizations have been launched, and they have participated in other social movements such as anti-militarism, environmentalism and the fight against the globalization of capital.

In Spain, during the 1990s and 2000s, a dualism prevailed: anarcho-syndicalism, understood as a political organization, and informal anarchism, generally anti-organization. This was almost hegemonic, and there was little room for organizational attempts that lasted rather short (the second Autonomous Struggle, Libertarian Alternative, Galician Anarchist Federation, local and regional libertarian assemblies, networks of libertarian athenaeums, and CSOs, etc.). During those years, a peninsular-wide libertarian space was never established, beyond the FIJL linked to insurrectionalism or the FAI, which by 2000 already seemed focused exclusively on libertarian culture.

However, the movement later gained momentum. The youth movement built organizations: the FIJA and the first FEL, as well as some local libertarian youth organizations. Anarcho-independence movements were strengthened with Negres Tempestes in Catalonia, which generated their own momentum. This was a time of heightened anti-development struggles, attracting hundreds of people. Anarchist book fairs proliferated. Anarchist websites such as Alasbarricadas and Klinamen, and other more diverse ones such as Indymedia, LaHaine and Kaosenlared, received thousands of visits; there were still various publications in the form of fanzines, magazines, and newspapers.

From 2010-12, anarchism began to unite, developing in neighborhood or municipal and regional assemblies. This coincided with the period following the 15M movement. In some cases, such as in Catalonia, federations were formed between these groups. But all this lasted only a short time, lasting two, three, or five years, with the exception of some groups that achieved generational change, as was the case with Heura Negra in Vallcarca (Barcelona). Those local libertarian assemblies were the political school for most activists of our time, because there were truly that many groups.

The lack of consolidation of these collectives paralleled the crisis of insurrectionalism as a result of the repressive measures it suffered between 2011 and 2016. But it wasn't just a repressive issue, it was also a political one. Whatever happened, all of this paralyzed their political project of the Coordinated Anarchist Groups. This crisis demobilized part of their militancy or caused it to drift toward other, more practical projects, and also prevented it from renewing itself generationally.

The most political anarchism, so to speak, was also articulated during that time. For example, Embat in Catalonia, Apoyo Mutuo in Madrid, Aragon, and Seville, Aunar in Aragon, and the Libertarian Student Federation (FEL). We're not going to lie to anyone: we're talking about a very small scene that didn't even manage to become a proper movement, despite our intentions.

Regarding Embat, our analysis of the period after the 15M was that many essentially libertarian ideas and practices had been seen, but they were barely articulated by the libertarian movement. Proposals were taken to town squares individually and embraced by a politically diverse audience. We were aware—we saw them—that in those same squares there were Marxist or social democratic political organizations that had the goal of increasing their own membership. So we understood that it was necessary to have our very own organization to channel that spontaneous libertarian spirit toward a revolutionary perspective. That's why Embat was born.

During this period, we were able to garner some sympathy, but we failed to attract those libertarian people who were embedded in the social and popular movements. Most of them preferred to continue without a specific organization. This proved fatal with the emergence of Podemos in 2014. Many people who should have been previously organized as anarchists ended up joining the circles and candidacies of Podemos, Ganemos, Sí Se Puede, Más Madrid, or the CUP in Catalonia. Without a strategic line of their own, they adopted social democratic lines until they burned out and went home or until they completely converted to those positions.

Meanwhile, people from libertarian assemblies, insurrectionalist movements or informal anarchism gradually entered anarcho-syndicalism. This time not to turn it into a political organization as in the 1990s, but rather because of labor issues or to help develop some social and cultural area within the unions. They also entered the housing struggle, this time without the intention of "radicalizing the struggle," but rather as just another actor. Something similar must have occurred in the 1980s with people emerging from libertarian athenaeums.

During those years, 2015-2020, we should highlight the influence of the Federation of Anarchists of Gran Canaria in the libertarian field. Their approach combined elements of social and insurrectionary anarchism under an identitarian anarchist discourse that championed "neighborhood anarchism." They were also the driving force behind the first Tenants' Union in the entire state and, at the time, advocated for a rent strike. They managed to bring anarchism to the most disadvantaged neighborhoods of Gran Canaria, reaching a range of people who hadn't been reached in decades. The FAGC attempted to replicate their neighborhood anarchism elsewhere in the state, giving dozens of talks and writing numerous texts. However, this didn't succeed and no one on the Peninsula copied his model, which was a shame, since we have always loved anarchism with such strong social roots.

After the 2020 pandemic, we experienced the rise of the GKS/Socialist Movement and its great impact among the youth of the revolutionary left. Anarchism was literally out of the picture at that time, as we have seen. The ambiguous discourse—half Leninist, half autonomous-libertarian—that this socialist movement had in its early days attracted groups of young militants to those areas. Even people who had previously been active in social or insurrectionalist anarchism, which put a good part of our movement on guard.

Consequently, the need to offer an anarchist organizational alternative became clear. Thus, Alternativa Libertaria and Liza were born in Madrid in 2023 (the former later joined the latter), now Hedra in Alicante, Impulso in Granada, the Seminario de Estudios Libertarios Galegos (Galician Libertarian Studies Seminar), and, within synthetic anarchism, the Horizontal network at the state level (although it hasn't made much headway so far) and some new groups. Libertarian Action of Zaragoza even joined the FAI, a group well established in its neighborhood. Currently, some anarchist assemblies are being re-established in various cities, such as Seville, with that plural or synthetic character that we previously saw in other similar ones. All of this occurs in a context of true growth of anarcho-syndicalism, which has also opened new study centers and cultural organizations.

In short, it has been necessary to offer strong organizations in response to the need of working-class youth to organize. Right now, our entire political space is under construction. Even so, many territories remain with virtually no libertarian entity beyond anarcho-syndicalism, a few propaganda orgs, okupied social centres or music bands.

We are concerned that no assessment has been made of the 2010-2020 decade and that collectives are emerging that uncritically copy the same models that entered into crisis in those years. Because there are not many spaces for interrelation between currents, no kind of collective teaching is being transmitted, a starting point that comrades starting out now can take as a reference. This could be the role of Ekintza Zuzena.

In the summer of 2024, the First Meeting of Especifist Anarchism was held in Catalonia. What need did this initiative respond to, and what is your assessment of it?

The Meeting was a response to previous contacts between the various organizations and groups that exist in Spain and claim to be part of the especifist movement. We intended to draw the attention of this unorganized, but still pro-organizational, libertarian community in the state. That is, those people who now feel the need to have someone supporting them to work politically as anarchists without fearing the other currents of the socialist left.

At that time, about 80 people gathered at the Calafou factory (Vallbona d'Anoia), exceeding our expectations. Many people came who did not belong to the organizing organizations (Batzac, Embat, FEL, Liza and Regeneración Libertaria), and we had some very fruitful discussions with like-minded people from Granada, Galicia, and elsewhere.

During the meeting, a greeting was recorded for Black Rose, our sister organization in the United States, on the occasion of its Convention (something like the annual congress they hold there).

A strong point was the quality of the debate, with very solid arguments. It was also clear that everyone was pulling in the same direction: the need for political organization and social integration—which is to be expected at a meeting of this tendency, but which is not a common occurrence in current anarchism, and that's why it pleasantly surprised us.

And a weak point was the lack of communicative capacity our movement still has, usually allergic to audiovisual media and with no desire to be the center of attention or make a spectacle of its own everyday life. Admittedly, this demonstrates a modicum of common sense, but I think it's also positive to make a little noise, to be known and seen.

What groups or initiatives are currently promoting this movement, and what are their goals?

The initiatives currently promoting this movement in Spain are as follows, in order of creation:

- Federación Estudiantil Libertaria (FEL). Emerging in 2008 from several student assemblies in Madrid, Catalonia and Aragon, it was rebuilt in 2014 after a, let's say, generational hiatus, and has lasted until this year. Its tendency was oriented toward "social and organized anarchism" until recently, when it began to define itself as specific. As student groups come and go quite quickly, it hasn't managed to consolidate in recent years and now only existed in Catalonia. At the end of last year, it joined Batzac, forming its student front.

- Regeneración Libertaria. A web portal created in 2012 as a space for current analysis, theoretical articles, social studies, and libertarian culture within social and organized anarchism. Last year, given that its current members adhere to the Especifista movement, they decided to put the medium at the service of a common project. So today it is the official portal of the Especifist movement or organized anarchism in the Spanish state. It serves as a link between the organizations that promote it and as a point of debate and exchange of ideas.

- Embat, Organització Llibertària de Catalunya. Founded in 2013 as Procés Embat[3] (like the previous ones, under the paradigm of "social and organized anarchism") and since 2015 under its current name. It is an organization that has gone through different stages: one of consolidation, acting as a network of activists (2013-15); another of social integration as an organization (2015-19); another very active during the Independence Procés (2017-18), the 2020 hiatus, which was used to create our Political Line[4], and the current era. We are currently active in the areas of housing, education, feminism, eco-social issues, and labor.

- Batzac, Libertarian Youth . Founded in 2017, it organizes young people who, in most cases, have not previously participated in activism. Until now, it had not declared itself a specialist organization, but rather a social anarchist organization. This is due to its interest in achieving specific social integration, as it does in housing, in the student sphere, and in the workplace. It has recently embraced the FEL (Libertarian Student Federation) in Catalonia.

-Liza, Plataforma Organizativa de Madrid. Founded in 2023, it brought together a group of people in need of organization who shared a strategic and tactical vision halfway between platformism and especifism. Its emergence was combined with good online communication and great activity, which enlivened the Iberian scene, resulting in the current semblance of coordination. Its integration is primarily in housing and neighborhoods. It's also worth highlighting their interest in debating with the rest of the anarchist movement, confronting autonomist and anti-organizational tendencies. Liza absorbed an organizational project called Alternativa Libertaria, which emerged from FEL Madrid.

- Impulso – Granada defines itself as a space for reflection on organized anarchism. Created at the end of 2024, for now, it's precisely that which defines them: a space for debate and training around the ideas of organized anarchism in Granada. Their intention is to move forward gradually, without skipping steps, until culminating in a political organization.

- Hedra, Organización Especifista de Alicante. This is a recent arrival, having been created in January 2025. It is the first to be created under the label of especifismo, as its theoretical foundations draw directly from the primary texts of this movement. Its integration is in housing and in the neighborhood through a group of associations.

I will also mention the publishing house Teima. Currently working on publishing a book by Felipe Correa, called Black Flag. The publisher will publish texts from our movement in Spanish. However, there are some publishers that publish books in our vein, such as Descontrol in Barcelona or Ardora y Bastiana in Galicia.

In addition to these organizations, which are public, there are other initiatives in other parts of the country that have not yet come to light, and which I won't mention so as not to jinx them. Some of them come from anarchist synthesis collectives or assemblies that are drifting toward our style of anarchism. By the way, none of them come from Euskal Herria, so let's see if anyone is interested!

Regarding the stated objectives, the priority is to create a broader anarchist movement with a greater impact on society, bringing anarchism back to the forefront of social struggle.

It's worth mentioning that we are also coordinating with other European organizations of our same current and with those from the rest of the world. The current international coordination brings together more than twenty organizations, and several more are in the process of joining. The best-known are the Union Communiste Libertaire (French-speaking European countries), Die Plattform (Germany), Anarchist Communist Group (UK), Black Rose Federation (USA), Federación Anarquista Uruguaya, Federación Anarquista de Rosario (Argentina), Coordinadora Anarquista de Brasil (Anarchist Coordinator of Brazil) and Tekoshina Anarsist (Rojava). We are also in contact with other new initiatives currently being created. In some ways, it seems to be a parallel process to that in Spain, which indicates that the anarchist movement is seeking to be better organized.

The concept of popular power has had its greatest diffusion in Latin America, where it has generated significant debate. What is your interpretation or definition of the issue of popular power? How would you differentiate it from left-wing populism?

It was in the 1960-70s that the FAU opted to borrow this concept from the Chilean MIR, the Tupamaros, and other movements of the time that combined various forms of Marxism (primarily Leninism and Guevarism), Liberation Theology, national liberation, and Latin Americanism (those who maintain that Latin America is one country). It should be added that anarchism also influenced this amalgamation, something that is often overlooked. In the 1960s, people's power replaced Leninist concept of "dual power."

The Latin American anarchists of the time understood this as logical, since this dual power (those soviets that coexist with the bourgeois state in an advanced phase of the class struggle, once the revolutionary stage has been reached) in turn drew on the ideas of Bakunin.

In the FAU of the 1950s and 1960s, there was a lively debate about the historical subjects who should carry out the revolution. Given the configuration of Uruguayan society at the time, it was necessary to create a subject that would unite all the oppressed sectors of society. The idea of ​​"the people" was used, but the people were understood as those "below". They had nothing to do with the bourgeoisie. It was somewhat like when the historical CNT-FAI spoke of "the working people" in their newspapers and manifestos. They didn't refer solely to the proletariat, since at that time, to ordinary people, it sounded like talk of factories and little else.

In this relationship between ideology and the production of historical subjects—a relationship that, if it didn't exist, would mean neither ideology nor subject—moments of ideological validity are formed. Historical subjects/agents expand and lead to the hegemony of social bodies, based on the validity of ideologies.[5]

As the class struggle unfolded in Latin America, alliances between the organized labor movement, the student movement, the first feminist associations, the peasantry, and grassroots collectives centered on identity, such as Afros, mestizo, and indigenous peoples, came into play. Furthermore, in the 1970s, the social war received support from the self-employed and small business owners expelled from industrial production. The class struggle often moved to neighborhoods or communities far from the city, and elements of counterpower were generated from below in the midst of the struggle. This was popular power: the people in motion, diffuse, anonymous, contradictory, creative, festive, and combative. Land seizures, industrial cordons, armed groups, occupation of universities—this was popular power in the eyes of ordinary people. In no way should it be confused with interclassism, with its conscious "from below" nature.

In the 2000s, the critique began. The especifist or organized anarchist organizations used popular power in their political language. But Marxist organizations did too. In Cuba and Venezuela, all ministries carried the tagline "popular power." So the term was also linked to the socialist state. Comrades critical of the concept of popular power also pointed out that anarchism was being abandoned within the especifist ranks toward Marxism or national populism. Some anarchists even went further, denying the adherence to anarchism of our entire movement, viewing it as a crypto-Marxism as a whole. This is the origin of the conflict.

With Embat, it was even comical to see that, during the first few years, certain people would always come to all our talks and say that popular power couldn't be anarchist in any way. Ironically, we held the opinion that, in reality, everyone understood us perfectly, except for the "most anarchist" ones. No one seemed to have the slightest problem with the Black Power movement of the American Black Panthers, a concept roughly equivalent to popular power.

However, the passing of the years has largely mitigated those debates. If some organizations or individuals drifted toward other ideological positions, the vast majority did not, contributing to the libertarian movement as a whole, and not just to our current in particular. Today, in Spain, this concept has been largely accepted, even by people who come from other currents, such as anarcho-syndicalism or by libertarians who are active in neighborhoods or housing projects without ever having been on our wavelength.

Regarding left-wing populism, we must say that it engages in interclassism, mixing working-class demands with more bourgeois middle-class ones. This would be the main difference. Specificism defends a "strong people" [Pueblo Fuerte] built as a front for the classes oppressed by capitalism and the state. Although we speak of both currents of popular power, there are substantial differences. Let's see what the specificist view is:

We proclaim the most complete socialization of all spheres of social activity. The socialization of the means of production exercised by the organs of real representation of society and not by the State; the socialization of education, the administration of justice, defense organizations, the sources of knowledge and information, and most especially the socialization of political power. In this last aspect, we advocate the abolition of the State and governmental forms of power as the only guarantee of eliminating all forms of domination. […]

We are fully convinced that this is effectively possible through direct democracy, exercised by grassroots popular organizations organized in a self-managed manner and linked within a federalist framework, where these same popular organizations are expressed in new institutional forms. Today we know more firmly than ever that the model of society we propose is not only possible but is practically, and in accordance with the historical and revolutionary experience of different peoples of the world, the only valid path to truly building socialism.[6]


It would be bold to say this isn't anarchism.

To what extent can the desire not to remain locked in the [activist/anarchist] ghetto and to participate (with a non-dogmatic discourse) in current social struggles or processes lead to political contradictions with anarchist or basic principles of the society for which you fight? Do you remember any occasions when you experienced this dilemma?

Social processes are complex by nature. There are many forces at play and many vested interests. The challenge is to build transformative collective interests in a democratic, transparent, and fraternal environment.

For Embat, the crucible was 2017. We had to position ourselves in a tremendously complex scenario. The Spanish state was in crisis and Catalan society demanded a response. This was the referendum. In just a few months, we experienced a large-scale process of collective empowerment. In just a few weeks, I'd say. The movement was already underway, but the events encouraged many more people to join the process. Counter-power structures were created, the committees for the defense of the Republic. They operated as assemblies, calling for actions and demonstrations. But they also had the opportunity to be spaces for territorial counter-power. Another initiative worth considering was the Constituent Procés, which proposed a constituent assembly for an independent Catalonia that would accommodate the most advanced social aspects. Social and union movements also joined the process in their own way. They joined and were responsible for the famous general strike of October 3rd, one of the most widely followed in Catalan history. The slogan of blocking transportation—trains, roads, and in 2019, the airport—naturally emerged. Something that had only been theorized about in anti-capitalist debate years before and was dismissed due to a lack of strength was put into practice.

Although we were perfectly aware that the leadership of this entire process was in the hands of the "traditional" Catalan political class, we also saw what was happening below. Our response was that we had to be there. We always felt that much more could have been done if all the social and union movements had acted unitedly and as a bloc. But this would have required a much greater organized anarchism, which is what we are trying to build.

Another complex and conflictive moment in which we had to take a stand was during the pandemic. Embat's position denounced the police state and the state's militarization of public spaces, while workers in "essential services" were forced to go to work without sufficient protective measures. We also highlighted the devastating effects of the privatization of healthcare and the management of nursing homes and clinics by private entities. At the same time, we welcomed the self-organized mutual support groups that emerged in many places, as well as the grassroots initiatives in which we participated, such as the Social Shock Plan or the attempted rent strike that was proposed during those months. I would add that we took advantage of the lockdown internally to develop our political line, which required much debate. And during that time, the International Coordination, in which we participated, was also strengthened.

The contradictions were clear within our libertarian movement: some focused on denouncing the police state and the infantilization of people, while others preferred to focus on denouncing privatization and self-organization. We didn't see a unified approach, and each of us fought a bit of our own battle. Perhaps what united us most was those proposed shock plans and similar ones.

NOTES

[1] This excerpt can be found in the Introduction to The Platform https://www.nestormakhno.info/spanish/platform/introduccion.htm

[2] For more information, see The Strategy of Especifismo. Interview by Felipe Correa with Juan Carlos Mechoso: http://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/La-Estrategia-del-Especifismo.pdf

[3] Embat in Catalan refers to the crash of a wave against a rock. It sounded powerful and poetic to us, and it seemed a better name than the typical acronyms of other libertarian organizations of our time.

[4] This was when Especifismo was adopted as one of the guiding principles. The Political Line can be consulted at: https://embat.info/programa-i-linia-politica/

[5] Popular Power from a Libertarian Perspective. https://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/poder-popular-desde-lo-libertario-fau/

[6]Ibid.
✇Periodismo Ciudadano

Desmontando el colonialismo digital en EmpoderaLIVE 2024: Un encuentro para impulsar la democratización tecnológica

Por: Equipo PC

EmpoderaLIVE 2024 se prepara para abrir sus puertas los próximos días 21 y 22 de mayo bajo el lema “Desmontando el Colonialismo Digital: Hacia la Democratización de los Espacios Tecnológicos”.

Este evento anual, que se ha convertido en un referente en el ámbito de la tecnología cívica y la innovación social, invita a participantes de todo el mundo que están trabajando en la descentralización de los espacios tecnológicos para asegurar internet como un derecho fundamental y bien público para la ciudadanía.

Señala Yolanda Rueda, presidenta y fundadora de Fundación Cibervoluntarios, sobre esta edición de EmpoderaLIVE 2024:

Es importante tomar conciencia de que Internet, de una forma u otra, está siendo privatizada. Y esta concentración tecnológica está generando subordinación a unos intereses, a una forma de ser y estar a nivel económico, cultural y social que aplasta la diversidad y riqueza local y pone en peligro la sostenibilidad a medio largo plazo de nuestra identidad y derechos.

(Yolanda Rueda)

Un encuentro que nos invita a reflexionar sobre el papel de la tecnología en la sociedad y cómo esta puede ser utilizada para construir soluciones de manera colaborativa, sostenible e inclusiva. Con la humanidad enfrentando los mayores desafíos de la revolución tecnológica es necesario debatir sobre cómo podemos utilizar la tecnología para, como señala Rueda «abordar desigualdades, fortalecer la democracia» y:

crear protocolos que nos permitan descentralizar el poder y herramientas que faciliten y propicien autonomía y descentralización tecnológica.

(Yolanda Rueda)

Puedes consultar en la web de EmpoderaLIVE 2024 los ponentes de esta edición entre los que se encuentran:

  • Pelonomi Moiloa: Descolonizando la Inteligencia Artificial para potenciar el talento local.
  • César Hidalgo: El poder de los datos para alcanzar la democracia digital.
  • Marleen Stikker: De la ciudad digital al Internet de la confianza.
  • Arturo Filastò: Tecnologías abiertas para garantizar los Derechos Humanos.
  • Ronda Železny Green: Datocracia para empoderar a las comunidades marginadas.
  • Melanie Rieback: Hacking ético para garantizar la seguridad y transparencia del ecosistema digital.
  • Alexey Sidorenko: Activismo cívico para mejorar los derechos digitales en Rusia.
  • Sherman Kong: Políticas globales para hacer de los bienes públicos digitales una realidad.
  • Nils Berglund: La Declaración del Futuro de Internet para fortalecer los derechos digitales.
  • Dominic Finelli: Filantropía de alto impacto para abordar las desigualdades globales.
  • Aline Muylaert: Construyendo puentes entre la democracia participativa y la tecnología a nivel local.
  • Wietse Van Ransbeeck: Hacia democracias más fuertes poniendo a la ciudadanía en el centro.

Si quieres asistir al evento de manera gratuita solo tienes que resevar tu plaza aquí.

La entrada Desmontando el colonialismo digital en EmpoderaLIVE 2024: Un encuentro para impulsar la democratización tecnológica aparece primero en Periodismo Ciudadano.

✇Anarkismo

Anarchists in Rojava: Revolution is a struggle in itself

Por: Jurnal mapa
1 – We have seen statements about the work of TA outside of the battlefield, from medical support to education. This second one is of great interest to us, could you please clarify a bit on how you proceed with educational campaigns, not only amongst yourselves but also with local communities? Are there any lessons you wish to share about the role (and process) of revolutionary education? How do you see pedagogy as not only a tool, but also a space within the struggles you must face?

Education is what builds the foundations of a new society. It is often our best tool to defend ourselves and our communities. The kurdish liberation movement values education a lot, and this also brought us to reflect on our approach. In rojava it is a common practice to join educations of several months, where militants from different places have no other work than learn and develop. This is not a new practice from rojava, the kurdish movement has been working on their educational methods for decades. Joining some of those educations, we also noticed how much our understanding of education is connected to school, university and other state systems. And how much we should develop our own educational programs, shaped by our own political views and values. In this, the pedagogy of the oppressed of Paulo Freire can give very important perspectives.

Revolutionary education can be everything we do, if we learn from it in an organized way. Closed educations allow us to work deeper on one topic, like learning about the philosophy and political views of Abdullah Ocalan, study the proposals of Makhno or Malatesta about organized anarchism and the different attempts to put it in practice, or learn about first aid and medical care during war situations. But this also has to come with practice, which is often the best education, like when we work in society with our kurdish, arab and other comrades, when we build our organization day to day, or when we work as combat medics in the front lines. Theory brings knowledge and helps to build understanding and confidence, but is practical work what builds our experience.

Some knowledge we carry with us, is scarce here, and is important to collectivize it. We have been running educations of first aid and tactical field care to kurdish, arab and armenian comrades. We also shared our knowledge and experiences among ourselves, sometimes in short seminar formats sometimes in longer closed educations. This helped us to build our capacities and a common frame as organization, practically as well as ideologically. With time, our methods and systems of education are getting more adapted to our needs, reflecting not only of what we want to teach and learn but also how we want to do it. For some comrades it is helpful to read or listen a seminar for several ours, for others is better to do things and learn on practice. We try to keep this in mind but also challenge ourselves, like by encouraging comrades that are more familiar with academic areas to work on the ground, and push for ideological development and theoretical works with those more oriented to field work.

2- In previous statements you have discussed the need for revolutionaries to disengage from individualistic, selfish mindsets, as well as issues of ego when dealing with comrades and organization. How have you within TA managed to deal with such mindsets? We recognize this view, where anarchism and revolutionary struggle continuously straddle a difficult line between lifestyle and commodity, not allowing us to build meaningful relations on the march to liberation. Are there any lessons or warnings from your own activities that can be parted?

That is a very difficult question, because it is one of the main challenges we face. Anarchism has always discussed the contradictions between individual militants and the need revolutionary organizations. We are working to balance those points, because we see very important arguments to be made on both sides. As many anarchists before us, we reached the conclusion that organization is a necessity, not as an aim in itself but as a means to an end. We don’t accept unnecessary hierarchies and we value the individuality of our militants, often referring to the idea that “there is no organization without militants, there is no militant without organization”. With this we also want to point out the importance of individual responsibility towards the organization, as well as collective responsibility of the organization towards the individuals.

Becoming a militant of a revolutionary organization comes with individual and collective contradictions. The main aspects of our personalities have been shaped by the societies we have grown up in. Life in capitalist modernity relies on individualization. In school, in the work place, in the media we consume, we are told that individual freedom is everything that matters. “Your freedom ends where the freedom of other starts” is often the main idea running our societies. It denies collective belonging and it promotes individualist mindset and values. Is therefore no surprise that individualist anarchism manage to thrive in those capitalist societies we come from, because it connects with those individualist values that liberalism promotes. We want to challenge that. We believe our only way out is solidarity and mutual aid, and for this we have to challenge the deeply rooted individualism that we all carry with us.

Individualism can take many forms. Some are more obvious, like selfishness, elitism, or narcissism; but more subtle forms can take more time to notice, like refusing help when needed, not sharing information or knowledge with comrades, not listening or considering others proposals and ideas. We all have traces of individualism, and they are often connected with our ego and the image we have and we project of ourselves. Overcoming this requires that we are able to evaluate ourselves and others as well as our ways of relating. Criticism and self-criticism go hand in hand, we need to be able to acknowledge our shortcomings to meaningfully engage with the shortcomings of others. Admitting to ourselves that there is a difference between how we perceive ourselves/how we want to be perceived and how other perceive us can be painful. However acknowledging that gap opens the door for us to develop. Everyone has this gap, for some it is wider, for some it is more narrow, and to challenge it can create space to grow and learn. Keeping this in mind, we can build better relations that are founded in honesty and trust.

Trust is scarce in our societies. It is much easier to learn to suspect, to be afraid of your neighbor, to step on your co-workers to get upper hand and get a better piece of the cake. Capitalism relies on competition, and lying and selling yourself, on the society of spectacle. There is no place for honesty and trust in a system that is based on performance, on appearance of what you are not, on faking it and believing that one day you will make it. To be honest and transparent with our comrades necessitates vulnerability. We had been told to hide those things, to not let others see our weak points, to present ourself as the all-capable person that can do anything that is needed. All those individualist traits play against us, specially in difficult moments when stress and hardships reveal the things we try to hide.

We have been working on these issues by putting into practice tools like tekmil and platform, which we learned from the kurdish movement. We also explored other methods, and lately we have been deepening our knowledge on conflict resolution, with restorative circles and transformative justice. Transformative justice provides a good approach, connected to our ideological values and oriented towards topics like responsibility and accountability, that should always be the base of our organizing. We learned that organization is a struggle in itself, and that contradictions, conflicts and challenges will always arise in our organizing. In absence of hierarchical structures, how we take decisions and how we solve conflicts is a very important part of our organizing.

3- Maybe related to above, how is inter-personal conflict resolved at large in NES? We have seen several abstract perspectives, but little of actual accounts on the processes of justice and equity, how are such issues dealth with? Do the several autonomous groups have the freedom to deal with them “in-house”? Are all conflict resolutions centralized?

There are currently two justice systems at play in NES. One similar to state justice and one more based on communitarian justice. The communitarian system consists of peasant consensus committees and local councils that are often composed of religious leaders and community elders. These encourage people to take responsibility and agency over their own problems. However this system is not working so well, unfortunately. Because of this many conflicts are still settled through the state-like legal justice system that is half inherited from the Al-Assad regime and half reorganized by the Autonomous Administration. It is an awkward mix that works with the tools at hand in a difficult situation. The union of lawyers played an important role, as well as the effort to write the “social contract” of AANES, some kind of constitution that is revisited every few years in discussions with different political and social organizations.

The reasons that lead the Autonomous Administration to put more efforts to reorganize the general legal system instead of promoting the communitarian justice councils is not so clear to us. We suggest you talk to justice committee of the AANES directly, they will be better able to answer that. Besides these, there are also the women’s autonomous structures such as the women’s houses (mala jin) and women’s law. These have played and are playing an important role in addressing problems around gender as well as finding solutions around family conflict concerning women (marriage, divorce, abuse, etc.).

Councils, committees, communes, and autonomous organizations have some degree of freedom to deal with conflict “in-house”. How exactly it is approached and if people involve the state-like legal system depends on the nature and size of the conflict as well as the people and groups involved. With crimes that have big social impact, like brutal murders or organized treason (giving intelligence to Turkey that is used to assassinate revolutionaries, helping ISIS to plan and carry out attacks), there have been popular trials. Those trials gather different representatives of the social community, especially those more affected by the crime judged, and function as popular jury to decide the penalty.

For our organization and for organizations in europe we think it is important we come to understand the value of transformative justice, and that we build capacity to start offering alternatives to the legal ‘justice’ system, which is a racist ableist punitive lie and deeply connected to nation-state power. The topic on transformative justice has been on the table in leftist circles in europe for a while. We see it is slowly moving into a more practical phase now. Let us start with small practical adjustments, once we start gaining some experiences from the daily life, we can and should supplement them with some reading/study/theory. Conflict resolution cannot be learned from books, its fundaments can only be learned in practice, books will be very helpful to improve us but only if we are already putting it in practice. We will have to make many mistakes, and that is fine. We have a lot to unlearn from the state imposed systems of ‘justice’. We are making an imperfect start by using tools like tekmil, restorative circles and autonomous women’s structures to build on this.

4- What is the current status of art and self-expression within rojava? Has there been the chance and space for people to be able to perform, create, or show artistic creation? How is such received? How has the changing facets of the conflict affected it?

Tevgera Çand û Hûner (Tev-çand, the organization of art and culture) is a coordination of all the art and culture centers, present in every city. Most of those centers have different groups, like dance, music, theater, cinema, paint, literature, sculpture, etc. They mainly promote art connected to kurdish culture, language and identity. Every ethnic group is encouraged to promote its own traditional art and culture while also making space for other forms of art outside folkloric tradition. Tev-çand has a political approach to art, seeing it as a vehicle to share and spread the values of the revolution. A couple of successful examples are Hunergeha Welat - with their youtube channel publishing new songs and videoclips made in rojava - or the Komina Film a Rojava - the cinema commune that produced several movies, shorts, clips. Komina Film a Rojava recently published a series about rojava called “Evina Kurd” (kurdish love).

The local groups often perform in local celebrations, festive days and other cultural events. In the last years some of those groups and artists are gaining experience and getting more professional, and we start to see their art in different theaters, expositions and events. Art is seen as popular and cultural wealth, and there is no process of commodification around it. Theater, cinema and music are performed and shared for free, and we have never seen any cultural event with entrance fee. This is part of the political approach on ethics and aesthetics that is promoted. To keep it short, we can simply point the efforts to connect aesthetics to political and ethical revolutionary values. This approach challenges the standards of beauty that capitalist modernity tries to impose, seeing art as a vehicle of expression of the people, of the society and its values. A lot of art is connected to the resistance against ISIS and turkish fascism, with special focus on women’s resistances and YPJ, but also about the historical roots and struggles of the kurdish people.

In that approach to art we can see a shift that the revolution brought, that maybe started even before rojava. Kurdish cinema from the 20th century is often tragic, about the massacres and the exile that kurdish people suffered. Dengbêj, a traditional music/poetry, is also infused with stories of destroyed villages, murdered families and orphaned children. It is in this new century that kurdish art has started to reflect a new image. One not so focused on kurds just as victims of inhumane tragedies, but also as actors of change. The songs of YPG and YPJ defeating ISIS or the guerrillas fighting in the mountains, the new movies of the resistance in Sur or in Kobane, the big celebrations of NewRoz (kurdish new year) are examples of a rebirth of the kurdish people and their will to resist. They are not just a people whose faith is suffering, they are a stateless nation whose land has been occupied and whose villages burned down. They learned from other anticolonial struggles and from revolutionary movements of national liberation and they will take their destiny in their hands. They will defend their land and their culture, building a future for next generations, with weapons but also with music, with dance, with cinema.

5- What is TA’s view on the role of religion, and how has it affected their capacity to connect and relate to local communities? Have there been challenges, or chanegs in attitude of the militants? In the west we struggle to separate anti-clericalism from base islamophobia nad eurocentrism, what lessons have you gained from your insertion in Kurdish and Arab societies?


Religion is not the problem for us when it is connected to the people and ethics, it is a problem when religion is connected to power and rule. It is this wielding of authority that we are against, as you also touching with anti-clericalism. Some anarchists came here with atheist backgrounds, and when asked about our religion is easy for us to answer we have no religion. But this answer is often understood as if we have no ethics, and also made us reflect how most of us, even if not practitioners, had been raised in a christian culture.

We agree with you that we in the west can do a bad job at separating anti-clericalism from islamophobia and eurocentrism. The society we are in is overwhelmingly muslim (with small minorities of other belief), nearly everyone has belief in the Quran, even if not everyone describes themselves as practicing muslims. This reality grounds our work with people here. We should understand the importance religion holds to the people and local comrades. Knowing a little, or a lot, about islam is very helpful when we discuss with local comrades. Arguing from religion for a revolutionary perspective is a tactic that has proven successful. It is necessary to respect peoples religious conviction, but at the same time we also critique or question comrades when this leads them to take actions that are not in line with the revolutionary values in NES. There are efforts to build a democratic islam, looking at the ethical side of islamic religion and not so much at the Sharia law. This is a necessary process to come to terms with the aftermath of islamist fundamentalism carried out as theocratic fascism by ISIS. Though from the outside it might seem like ISIS is no more, the fight against its ideology very much continues here. In some regions of NES, ISIS ideology is still widespread and it will take time and effort for everyone to move towards a democratic islam.

6- Anarchist and so-called revolutionary movements in Europe have struggled for decades find something which can overcame our own weaknesses and smallness, looking at methods old and new. What is your perspective on this? Do you also agree or feel the movements are limiting themselves, and if so why? Lack of use of insurrectionary violence, lack of structures directing the struggle, lack of resources, lack of conviction?

This is a very important point and question you bring up here. We agree that movements are limiting themselves. We see the issue at the core as a lack of organizations that can create and promote long term aims perspectives, as currently we mostly see affinity based groups with short term thinking.

The wave of insurrectionism in the 90’s, especially in italy, brought a short term struggle perspective that seemed to promote effectivity. In some ways, it worked, however it did so at the cost of undermining organizational capacity. Organization capacity is crucial. By becoming an organization, we as TA, now have the ability to accumulate experience, we do not constantly have to start anew. We can also build lasting projects and relations, we can deepen our understanding and learning of other organizations that have struggled and are struggling. Not only on an individual level, but on an organizational one. Meaning that such knowledge and experiences cease to become merely tied to one person or one cell or affinity group, but that the whole organization takes ownership of it. This greatly grows our capacity as an organization.

To develop as a revolutionary organization is not easy, we already talked about this. We have to break with the liberal individualist mindset that is so deeply ingrained with capitalist socialization. Our societies are organized around those capitalist values, and to change it we have to develop our own values and social institutions, to anticipate the society we want. The things you mention lacking in anarchist movements (structures to direct the struggle, resources, conviction, action) can often be connected to the lack of organization. If we find ourselves isolated, as individuals or in small groups, our capacity to influence and change the society around us diminish. As we can learn many things in rojava, there are also many lessons we can take from the anarchist organizations in latin america. The ideas of “especifismo” (english: specifism), a theoretical frame oriented to develop specific anarchist organizations, are the result of decades of struggle. We can track them back to platformist proposal of Peter Arshinov and Nestor Maknho, but developed in practice by the Federacion Anarquista de Uruguay (FAU). As portugese anarchists, you have easy access to the materials and texts developed by brazilian anarchist organizations.

7- There was critique recently of the focus and resources given by western leftists towards nascent anarchist movements in Ukraine, who, without true autonomous structures and being inserted in statist armies, have received generous support and funds, while non-white movements have struggled for a fraction of this support. Do you agree with this critique?


We assume you are referring to the article “Anarchist who Fought in rojava: Response to ‘No War But Class War’ Debate”, that can be found on Abolition Media. We agree with the article that the amount of resources sent to Ukraine from western leftist is very disproportional with the amount of material support comrades in NES have gotten, especially given that the revolution here is so explicitly rooted in libertarian revolutionary ideology and praxis, where this is more debatable for Ukraine as the article pointed out. “Solidarity is something you can hold in your hands”, a slogan popularized by the anti-imperialist group KAK, active in Denmark in the 70s, is a statement we can very much find ourselves in. While NES has gotten an alright amount of solidarity pictures, awareness campaigns, diplomatics campaigns, etc. on the side of material, financial or other support that we can “hold in our hands” the western left has absolutely not given it serious effort.

That being said, the war in Ukraine has been going on for a bit over a year now, the war in rojava for over 10 years. Of course these timescales also have an effect. Ukraine is on the news and we aren’t, we won’t be either, until a new invasion, and even then we will only receive a fraction of the media attention that Ukraine is getting. When we look broader than Ukraine and rojava, we ask: who has been looking at the genocidal warfare in Tigray or the recent war unfolding in Sudan? Who has been organizing material support for those conflicts? The Tigray peoples self-defense forces have a long revolutionary tradition, with a project similar to the ideas of democratic confederalism. In Sudan we have recently see a military escalation after big mobilizations and uprisings shook the country, that had a remarkable anarchist organized movement not common to find in most of African countries. But few articles are written about it, and even less anarchist book-fairs discussions about those conflicts. It is not fair either that those movements received little to no media coverage, let alone material support. This is part of the colonialism that we are trying to fight against. For us this is also a reason to stay with rojava, where values of anticolonialism are very much alive.

Coming back to Ukraine, Anarchists have been struggling since the beginning of the recent conflict, they were there at Maidan square and tried to organize form there. Probably this is not the place to discuss how much this movement is rooted in the historical anarchist movement in Ukraine, with the Black Liberation Peasants Army and the Makhnovist revolution, but nowadays the presence of anarchists is crucial to question the nationalist narrative of the far-right, that has been a dominating presence in the protest in Ukraine from the start. We have a responsibility as anarchists to take our place in such times, we cannot leave all the space to the far-right, because if we do they will take it. Now the current situation in Ukraine is not a revolution aligned with our principles, but it is our task to push our principles to the forefront and make them known. We can quote Malatesta when saying that “We are in any case one of the forces acting in the society, and history will advance, as always, in the directions resultant of all the forces”.

Historically war and revolution have an important connection. War environments see state authority stumble and authority diffuse in some places. The state isn’t always there anymore to provide people with infrastructure and resources. This means there are often windows of opportunity to assist in the self organization and management of the people, initially primarily along lines of mutual aid and solidarity. This is a situation in which bringing our ideology and applying it in practice with the people can be a useful way of strengthening our tendency, as Malatesta says.

We support our anarchist comrades fighting in Ukraine, we have an approach of critical solidarity to the people of Ukraine and aim to engage the contradictions that it brings up and not devolve into a binary and dogmatic approach. We would also like to draw your attention to comrade Leshiy and comrade Ciya, they have both spend time in NES and fell on the Ukrainian front lines together with other anarchist comrades in Ukrainan front lines. We grieve this loss, and aim to learn from their lives and decisions, they also show us a way of nuanced analysis and consideration that has space for the contradictions that inevitably come up when we get our hands dirty in revolution. We agreed with the comrade who wrote the article that it is very easy to be purist and judgmental about decisions made in Ukraine and rojava from a comfortable armchair. Participating in an actual revolution or armed conflict will quickly make it clear that there are often no “clean” or clear-cut solutions and being a revolutionary in action, not just in words, means gaining a deep understanding of nuanced analysis and contradictions.

8 - How can we assist you in TA; materially or otherwise?


The main points in which we can see your assistance to be help us are; a) ideological development b) engaged network c) resist repression d) militants e) resources

a) Ideological development of anarchist struggle is the basis for us to move forward. We see that we have come to a point where we realize as european anarchists that affinity based organizing alone is not sufficient. We need anarchist organization or structures that keep us together not just based on personal affinity, but in an organized way, to be able to think long term and develop a wider strategy. By further developing anarchist ideology and praxis in our current context, we strengthen each other.

b) Engaged networks are a foundation to exchange discussion, projects, resources and experiences. We see this in the form of building long term relations with solid organizations, and such exchange can take place through visits and exchange of militants as well as other forms of communication. Related to the point about ideological development, this includes reading and discussing each other statements and letters, learning from each other experience and giving feedback, proposals and critique on them.

c) Networks also leads into resisting repression. In the past years, militants who have been to rojava and the kurdish movement in general have been increasingly criminalized. Quite a few comrades are spending time in prison or are in other kinds of legal problems. We need anarchists everywhere to push back against this criminalization.

d) We need more militants to join us in rojava to fight and struggle here. There is also opportunity for comrades are already organized in europe to join us here while remaining connected to their european organization. We would like this actually. We see this as a potential way to strengthen ties between our organization and anarchist organizations in europe.

e) On the directly material side, we need money. Since exactly what materials we need changes from time to time, sending materials directly can be a little tricky, though we can talk about this if there is a desire to do something like that. With money directly we can allocate it to the most pressing needs and make adjustments when necessary in this every changing situation we are in.


1.jpeg

Militants of TA planting an olive tree in a field

Making ready some basic DIY IFAKs (individual First Aid Kit) for SDF forces

A view from next to qada azadî (freedom square) in Kobane, with a sculpture, the flag of Rojava and the eagle sculpture

A commemoration of şehids in Til Temir, with mother carring pictures of their şehid sons and daughters

Cooking a tea pot in the fire to make some tea.

A newly made park in front of the wheat silos at the entrance of Hasakah city

Carring the body of Şehid Tekoşer to the borderof semalka, among hunderds of people who gathered to give a goodbye

A cat resting next to basic equipment

✇Periodismo Ciudadano

Yolanda Rueda: «Es el momento de fortalecer el poder de la ciudadanía en la red» #EmpoderaLIVE 2023

Por: Paula Gonzalo

EmpoderaLIVE 2023: Hackeando Retos Globales para un Futuro Colaborativo y Ético

Del 26 al 27 de septiembre de 2023, el Teatro Echegaray de Málaga, (@TeatroEchegaray), será testigo de la decimoquinta edición de EmpoderaLIVE, (@EMPODERA_org), un encuentro internacional promovido por la Fundación Cibervoluntarios desde 2006.

Bajo el lema «Soberanía digital ciudadana: en construcción», más de 250 expertos e investigadores globales se unirán para explorar el impacto de la tecnología en la sociedad, promoviendo valores como la sostenibilidad, inclusión y solidaridad.

En entrevista con PC Yolanda Rueda, Presidenta de Fundación Cibervoluntarios, explicaba el porqué de la elección del tema central de este año:

Quien no tiene acceso a la tecnología o a las competencias digitales necesarias, simplemente no tiene los mismos derechos ni oportunidades.

«Es el momento de fortalecer el poder de la ciudadanía en la red, una soberanía digital ciudadana que haga de la tecnología esa palanca que nos ayude a construir un mundo mejor». Sin embargo, este es todavía un concepto en construcción, necesitamos una terminología que se ajuste a la necesidades que van surgiendo, nos explica, citando a Ludwing Wittgenstein: «los limites de mi lenguaje son los límites de mi mundo».

«Ahora toca profundizar, ser parte activa en la construcción de este ecosistema digital que lo impregna todo, conocer y reivindicar los derechos que están en juego, contribuir dándole forma, garantizar su independencia, el uso ético de nuestros datos, y cómo no, proteger nuestra privacidad».

Es el momento de conseguir que el espacio que se está creando sea un espacio abierto, transparente, ético, sostenible e inclusivo.

EmpoderaLIVE 2023 no solo se convertirá en un foro para la discusión de ideas y la tecnología de vanguardia, sino que abrirá espacios dedicados a la generación de proyectos con el objetivo de construir un Internet centrado en las personas. Temas como la defensa de nuestros derechos digitales o de un software ético para empoderar a las personas, la robótica en la era digital o el desarrollo de un Internet más seguro y accesible, estarán en el centro de la conversación.

EmpoderaLIVE se convierte en un catalizador de ideas y motor de cambio para una sociedad más empoderada, reuniendo a mentes innovadoras que buscan construir un futuro más inclusivo y sostenible a través de la tecnología. Entre los ponentes invitados estarán:

Concepción Monje, @mecanohumano, reconocida internacionalmente por sus investigaciones en arquitecturas de control para robots humanoides y Directora del Centro de Servicios Aeronáuticos (CATS-UC3M), se unirá como ponente principal. Monje, también considerada una de las «100 mujeres líderes en España», aportará su visión sobre el papel de la tecnología en la sociedad actual.

Stephen King, @stephenk01, CEO de Luminate, una organización dedicada a facilitar el acceso y el uso igualitario de la tecnología para personas excluidas de la sociedad, compartirá sus conocimientos sobre cómo la tecnología puede impulsar los derechos ciudadanos.

Denis «Jaromil» Roio, @jaromil, fundador de Dyne.org y defensor del software ético para empoderar a las personas, será otro de los destacados ponentes. Roio es conocido por su dedicación a crear aplicaciones de software abiertas accesibles para todos y es uno de los «100 principales emprendedores sociales de la UE».

Joyce Dogniez, @jdogniez, Vicepresidenta de Empoderamiento y Alcance de la Internet Society Foundation, se centrará en la defensa de los derechos en Internet, un tema crítico en la era digital actual.

Además, durante todo el evento se abrirá un espacio para la música y la creación artística desde el que experimentar de la mano de Sonia Aldama (@Saldama) y Javier Puche, (@_javierpuche).

Puedes encontrar el programa completo, horarios y actividades de esta edición en la web oficial de EmpoderaLIVE (www.empoderaLIVE.org). La inscripción es abierta y gratuita, aunque el aforo es limitado. El evento también se transmitirá en directo a través de streaming en la web oficial y en el Canal de YouTube de EmpoderaORG.

La entrada Yolanda Rueda: «Es el momento de fortalecer el poder de la ciudadanía en la red» #EmpoderaLIVE 2023 aparece primero en Periodismo Ciudadano.

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