From Regeneración, we're publishing the interview conducted by the magazine Ekintza Zuzena with a comrade for its 2025 issue (https://www.nodo50.org/ekintza/2025/numero-51-de-la-revista-ekintza-zuzena/), as it reviews the fundamental threads of our movement.

A preliminary question: How would you define and situate the historically known platformist anarchism? And what about specificist anarchism?

I'll start with some historical notes. First, the Platform emerged in France in the 1920s among anarchist militants who came from Russia. Finally at peace, after a long revolutionary war they couldn't win, they were able to take stock of their journey as a movement during the Russian Revolution. The Dyelo Truda group (one of those exile groups composed of prominent figures such as Nestor Makhno, Pyotr Arshinov, Ida Mett, Gregori Maksimov, and others) concluded that the cause of the defeat by the Bolsheviks was the lack of organization, program, and discipline of the Russian anarchist movement. They had acted differently in each place. There were never any overall strategic plans or forums to discuss them. The Bolsheviks were able to defeat them city by city, region by region, without putting up a fight on any level other than in Ukraine.

Dyelo Truda proposed a new organizational model: the General Union of Anarchists. This model sought to unify the most active elements of anarchism into a single organization under the program outlined in The Platform. I will clarify that it was not a complete program, but a partial one, as they recognized. The full program would have to be debated within this General Union once it was underway.

This new platformism was highly critical of the "anarchist synthesis," an organizational model that blended anarchists from all currents of anarchism into a single organization. According to the platformists, the lack of homogeneity of approaches "would inevitably lead to disintegration when confronted with reality." In other words, it would render the organization ineffective in the face of the major challenges facing any movement. They were extremely critical of anarchist individualism and nihilism ("chaotic anarchism," they called it). They were also unconvinced by anarcho-syndicalism, since in Russia it had been oriented almost exclusively toward industrial workers, neglecting the peasantry, which was the majority social component in Russia.

So, which anarchist militants were they addressing?

We base our hope on other militants: on those who remain faithful to anarchism, having experienced and suffered the tragedy of the anarchist movement, and painfully seek a solution.[1]

Therefore, they proposed an organization with tactical and strategic unity and discipline. Militants should not join an organization to do whatever they wished, but to fulfill its program. Dyelo Truda intended the Platform to be the revolutionary backbone and meeting point of Russian anarchism, given that at the time they were speaking to exiles, although it would soon be extended to all territories.

These approaches were the reason why the Platform fell out of favor with many militants in other countries at the time, and its development was thus slowed. However, its ideas were the driving force behind the Bulgarian Anarchist Communist Federation, which was strongly present in the resistance to the 1934 coup d'état, in the partisan resistance of World War II, and in the postwar period against Soviet domination, until it was finally liquidated in 1948. These ideas also took root in France, among a sector of anarchism that maintained them from its beginnings until the postwar period. And later, they were promoted again by the Libertarian Communist Federation, with Georges Fontenis as its leading exponent. This FCL greatly influenced European anarchism in the 1950s and 1960s, with the French movement being one of the key movements for anarcho-communism today.

Especifismo, for its part, arose directly from the Uruguayan FAU in 1956. Paradoxically, they didn't discover The Plafaform until many years later. Their starting point was Errico Malatesta, whose emphasis on specific organization and refutation of individualism caught their attention. Another of their role models was Mikhail Bakunin, who was enormously important to our movement, promoting specific organizations such as the International Alliance for Socialist Democracy. And their other reference point was Uruguay's earlier specific organizations, organic constructions from the 1920s and 1930s. Thanks to those older militants, who had been in the fray for years, it became clear that the task of political organization wasn't philosophizing and holding meetings, but rather how to approach the tasks of the different work fronts: union, student, neighborhood, and internal.

Their first task was to create the Organic Charter, in which they situated their organization in the Latin American context of the 1950s and outlined short-, medium-, and long-term plans. The younger militants sought to avoid automatically transferring other plans and formulas that had been used in other historical situations. Their anarchism would have to be rooted in the country and its concrete reality.

This especificism (from “specific” organization) was put into practice alone for years by the FAU until it was also taken up by Argentine groups in the 70s. It must be said that they never contemplated anarchist synthesis because nobody really took this avenue of organization into consideration.[2] The FAU went through different stages and even strategic objectives that brought it closer to the Latin American popular national movement of the 70s, which was in its stage of greatest visibility and size, with numerous social fronts and even its own armed organization, the OPR-33.

In the 1990s, especifismo moved away from these perspectives and began to spread to other countries such as Brazil and Chile. From there, in the 2000s, it began to converge with the anarcho-communist movement typical of Europe and the Anglo-Saxon world, and today it is part of the same international movement.

In Latin America, these organizations do not publicly call themselves Especifistas, but rather "organized anarchism," which is also the name given to the International Coordinator of the organizations of our movement.

Although we like these models of anarchism, which we understand as the most capable of influencing reality through anarchism, we must clarify that we are neither a Russian, French, nor Latin American organization, so we will have to create a local anarchism, with the makeup of that local anarchism, to operate in the 21st century.

What is your assessment of the current state of the Iberian libertarian movement, and what challenges and needs do you see in your field?

A movement is a set of actions, ideas and efforts organized by a group of people who share common goals to influence society. Starting from this perspective, you will agree that there is no single homogeneous libertarian movement, given that there are no common objectives across this amalgam of individuals, collectives, initiatives, scenes, spaces, organizations, or unions that claim to be anarchists.

Based on this premise, we could first identify a libertarian movement that seeks to achieve libertarian communism. This would be composed of anarcho-syndicalism and some anarchist collectives and organizations, as well as their related social or cultural projects that help them reach a wider audience.

There are also other paradigms similar to libertarian communism but with different characteristics. I'm talking about communalism, democratic confederalism, the anti-capitalist side of cooperativism, a part of autonomy (whether Marxist or indigenist) and similar proposals, or the radical environmental and anti-development movement. These people tend to be fellow travelers of anarchism and, to some extent, even come from its ranks or have passed through its collectives or organizations, but, for whatever reason, they have disassociated themselves from the libertarian movement as we understand it. Therefore, these initiatives cannot be considered part of our movement; rather, they build and participate in others.

Therefore, speaking of the libertarian movement itself, we have a considerable union space—without achieving the strength of yesteryear, of course—made up of the CGT and CNT and all their offshoots (Solidaridad Obrera, CNT-AIT, SAS Madrid, STS-C, and other smaller union groups). This movement has a considerable presence throughout Spain. It's true that it's a divided and often inter-struggle union space, which diminishes its potential and contributes to its discredit. It's also true that for some unions, libertarian communism is such a far-reaching aspiration that it's not even considered in their current strategy.

If anarcho-syndicalism is the spearhead, there are also organizations or organic initiatives behind it that were founded to contribute to the goal I mentioned earlier. These would be the anarchist synthesis organizations and collectives (this includes what was once called "neighborhood anarchism"), the anarcho-communist ones (currently called "specific," which seems to be the most popular word right now), and the insurrectionist ones. Their strength is limited to their own members, and their influence extends to the broader spaces in which they operate. We're talking about some very specific neighborhoods where they operate. Their presence influences the anti-capitalist scene in the places where they operate, and they are generally based in the urban areas and cities of their metropolitan areas (Madrid, Barcelona, ​​Seville, Valencia, Zaragoza, Granada, A Coruña, etc.). And their real impact comes from their militant capacity and commitment. That's why they have influence.

Next, we have what we can understand as informal anarchism, autonomism, or, as Murray Bookchin would say, "lifestyle anarchism". We could almost consider it a subcultural scene rather than a political movement, but I don't deny the interest of many of the people who participate in it in transforming society at its roots. It inherited part of that subcultural component from the Iberian Peninsula punk scene, which so influenced the anarchism of the 1990s and 2000s.

This informal anarchism or autonomism organizes events that can occasionally become massive, such as protests, protest camps or anarchist book fairs, but they generally remain spaces for socializing and networking rather than for social intervention. As a criticism, they run the risk of falling into inbreeding by residing solely on the margins of the social mainstream. In this sector, we can find both people whose goal is libertarian communism and also those who are not interested and seek to live as freely as possible in today's society.

However, through informal organizations, various networks and coordinators of squatted social centers, libertarian athenaeums, media outlets and counter-information organizations have been launched, and they have participated in other social movements such as anti-militarism, environmentalism and the fight against the globalization of capital.

In Spain, during the 1990s and 2000s, a dualism prevailed: anarcho-syndicalism, understood as a political organization, and informal anarchism, generally anti-organization. This was almost hegemonic, and there was little room for organizational attempts that lasted rather short (the second Autonomous Struggle, Libertarian Alternative, Galician Anarchist Federation, local and regional libertarian assemblies, networks of libertarian athenaeums, and CSOs, etc.). During those years, a peninsular-wide libertarian space was never established, beyond the FIJL linked to insurrectionalism or the FAI, which by 2000 already seemed focused exclusively on libertarian culture.

However, the movement later gained momentum. The youth movement built organizations: the FIJA and the first FEL, as well as some local libertarian youth organizations. Anarcho-independence movements were strengthened with Negres Tempestes in Catalonia, which generated their own momentum. This was a time of heightened anti-development struggles, attracting hundreds of people. Anarchist book fairs proliferated. Anarchist websites such as Alasbarricadas and Klinamen, and other more diverse ones such as Indymedia, LaHaine and Kaosenlared, received thousands of visits; there were still various publications in the form of fanzines, magazines, and newspapers.

From 2010-12, anarchism began to unite, developing in neighborhood or municipal and regional assemblies. This coincided with the period following the 15M movement. In some cases, such as in Catalonia, federations were formed between these groups. But all this lasted only a short time, lasting two, three, or five years, with the exception of some groups that achieved generational change, as was the case with Heura Negra in Vallcarca (Barcelona). Those local libertarian assemblies were the political school for most activists of our time, because there were truly that many groups.

The lack of consolidation of these collectives paralleled the crisis of insurrectionalism as a result of the repressive measures it suffered between 2011 and 2016. But it wasn't just a repressive issue, it was also a political one. Whatever happened, all of this paralyzed their political project of the Coordinated Anarchist Groups. This crisis demobilized part of their militancy or caused it to drift toward other, more practical projects, and also prevented it from renewing itself generationally.

The most political anarchism, so to speak, was also articulated during that time. For example, Embat in Catalonia, Apoyo Mutuo in Madrid, Aragon, and Seville, Aunar in Aragon, and the Libertarian Student Federation (FEL). We're not going to lie to anyone: we're talking about a very small scene that didn't even manage to become a proper movement, despite our intentions.

Regarding Embat, our analysis of the period after the 15M was that many essentially libertarian ideas and practices had been seen, but they were barely articulated by the libertarian movement. Proposals were taken to town squares individually and embraced by a politically diverse audience. We were aware—we saw them—that in those same squares there were Marxist or social democratic political organizations that had the goal of increasing their own membership. So we understood that it was necessary to have our very own organization to channel that spontaneous libertarian spirit toward a revolutionary perspective. That's why Embat was born.

During this period, we were able to garner some sympathy, but we failed to attract those libertarian people who were embedded in the social and popular movements. Most of them preferred to continue without a specific organization. This proved fatal with the emergence of Podemos in 2014. Many people who should have been previously organized as anarchists ended up joining the circles and candidacies of Podemos, Ganemos, Sí Se Puede, Más Madrid, or the CUP in Catalonia. Without a strategic line of their own, they adopted social democratic lines until they burned out and went home or until they completely converted to those positions.

Meanwhile, people from libertarian assemblies, insurrectionalist movements or informal anarchism gradually entered anarcho-syndicalism. This time not to turn it into a political organization as in the 1990s, but rather because of labor issues or to help develop some social and cultural area within the unions. They also entered the housing struggle, this time without the intention of "radicalizing the struggle," but rather as just another actor. Something similar must have occurred in the 1980s with people emerging from libertarian athenaeums.

During those years, 2015-2020, we should highlight the influence of the Federation of Anarchists of Gran Canaria in the libertarian field. Their approach combined elements of social and insurrectionary anarchism under an identitarian anarchist discourse that championed "neighborhood anarchism." They were also the driving force behind the first Tenants' Union in the entire state and, at the time, advocated for a rent strike. They managed to bring anarchism to the most disadvantaged neighborhoods of Gran Canaria, reaching a range of people who hadn't been reached in decades. The FAGC attempted to replicate their neighborhood anarchism elsewhere in the state, giving dozens of talks and writing numerous texts. However, this didn't succeed and no one on the Peninsula copied his model, which was a shame, since we have always loved anarchism with such strong social roots.

After the 2020 pandemic, we experienced the rise of the GKS/Socialist Movement and its great impact among the youth of the revolutionary left. Anarchism was literally out of the picture at that time, as we have seen. The ambiguous discourse—half Leninist, half autonomous-libertarian—that this socialist movement had in its early days attracted groups of young militants to those areas. Even people who had previously been active in social or insurrectionalist anarchism, which put a good part of our movement on guard.

Consequently, the need to offer an anarchist organizational alternative became clear. Thus, Alternativa Libertaria and Liza were born in Madrid in 2023 (the former later joined the latter), now Hedra in Alicante, Impulso in Granada, the Seminario de Estudios Libertarios Galegos (Galician Libertarian Studies Seminar), and, within synthetic anarchism, the Horizontal network at the state level (although it hasn't made much headway so far) and some new groups. Libertarian Action of Zaragoza even joined the FAI, a group well established in its neighborhood. Currently, some anarchist assemblies are being re-established in various cities, such as Seville, with that plural or synthetic character that we previously saw in other similar ones. All of this occurs in a context of true growth of anarcho-syndicalism, which has also opened new study centers and cultural organizations.

In short, it has been necessary to offer strong organizations in response to the need of working-class youth to organize. Right now, our entire political space is under construction. Even so, many territories remain with virtually no libertarian entity beyond anarcho-syndicalism, a few propaganda orgs, okupied social centres or music bands.

We are concerned that no assessment has been made of the 2010-2020 decade and that collectives are emerging that uncritically copy the same models that entered into crisis in those years. Because there are not many spaces for interrelation between currents, no kind of collective teaching is being transmitted, a starting point that comrades starting out now can take as a reference. This could be the role of Ekintza Zuzena.

In the summer of 2024, the First Meeting of Especifist Anarchism was held in Catalonia. What need did this initiative respond to, and what is your assessment of it?

The Meeting was a response to previous contacts between the various organizations and groups that exist in Spain and claim to be part of the especifist movement. We intended to draw the attention of this unorganized, but still pro-organizational, libertarian community in the state. That is, those people who now feel the need to have someone supporting them to work politically as anarchists without fearing the other currents of the socialist left.

At that time, about 80 people gathered at the Calafou factory (Vallbona d'Anoia), exceeding our expectations. Many people came who did not belong to the organizing organizations (Batzac, Embat, FEL, Liza and Regeneración Libertaria), and we had some very fruitful discussions with like-minded people from Granada, Galicia, and elsewhere.

During the meeting, a greeting was recorded for Black Rose, our sister organization in the United States, on the occasion of its Convention (something like the annual congress they hold there).

A strong point was the quality of the debate, with very solid arguments. It was also clear that everyone was pulling in the same direction: the need for political organization and social integration—which is to be expected at a meeting of this tendency, but which is not a common occurrence in current anarchism, and that's why it pleasantly surprised us.

And a weak point was the lack of communicative capacity our movement still has, usually allergic to audiovisual media and with no desire to be the center of attention or make a spectacle of its own everyday life. Admittedly, this demonstrates a modicum of common sense, but I think it's also positive to make a little noise, to be known and seen.

What groups or initiatives are currently promoting this movement, and what are their goals?

The initiatives currently promoting this movement in Spain are as follows, in order of creation:

- Federación Estudiantil Libertaria (FEL). Emerging in 2008 from several student assemblies in Madrid, Catalonia and Aragon, it was rebuilt in 2014 after a, let's say, generational hiatus, and has lasted until this year. Its tendency was oriented toward "social and organized anarchism" until recently, when it began to define itself as specific. As student groups come and go quite quickly, it hasn't managed to consolidate in recent years and now only existed in Catalonia. At the end of last year, it joined Batzac, forming its student front.

- Regeneración Libertaria. A web portal created in 2012 as a space for current analysis, theoretical articles, social studies, and libertarian culture within social and organized anarchism. Last year, given that its current members adhere to the Especifista movement, they decided to put the medium at the service of a common project. So today it is the official portal of the Especifist movement or organized anarchism in the Spanish state. It serves as a link between the organizations that promote it and as a point of debate and exchange of ideas.

- Embat, Organització Llibertària de Catalunya. Founded in 2013 as Procés Embat[3] (like the previous ones, under the paradigm of "social and organized anarchism") and since 2015 under its current name. It is an organization that has gone through different stages: one of consolidation, acting as a network of activists (2013-15); another of social integration as an organization (2015-19); another very active during the Independence Procés (2017-18), the 2020 hiatus, which was used to create our Political Line[4], and the current era. We are currently active in the areas of housing, education, feminism, eco-social issues, and labor.

- Batzac, Libertarian Youth . Founded in 2017, it organizes young people who, in most cases, have not previously participated in activism. Until now, it had not declared itself a specialist organization, but rather a social anarchist organization. This is due to its interest in achieving specific social integration, as it does in housing, in the student sphere, and in the workplace. It has recently embraced the FEL (Libertarian Student Federation) in Catalonia.

-Liza, Plataforma Organizativa de Madrid. Founded in 2023, it brought together a group of people in need of organization who shared a strategic and tactical vision halfway between platformism and especifism. Its emergence was combined with good online communication and great activity, which enlivened the Iberian scene, resulting in the current semblance of coordination. Its integration is primarily in housing and neighborhoods. It's also worth highlighting their interest in debating with the rest of the anarchist movement, confronting autonomist and anti-organizational tendencies. Liza absorbed an organizational project called Alternativa Libertaria, which emerged from FEL Madrid.

- Impulso – Granada defines itself as a space for reflection on organized anarchism. Created at the end of 2024, for now, it's precisely that which defines them: a space for debate and training around the ideas of organized anarchism in Granada. Their intention is to move forward gradually, without skipping steps, until culminating in a political organization.

- Hedra, Organización Especifista de Alicante. This is a recent arrival, having been created in January 2025. It is the first to be created under the label of especifismo, as its theoretical foundations draw directly from the primary texts of this movement. Its integration is in housing and in the neighborhood through a group of associations.

I will also mention the publishing house Teima. Currently working on publishing a book by Felipe Correa, called Black Flag. The publisher will publish texts from our movement in Spanish. However, there are some publishers that publish books in our vein, such as Descontrol in Barcelona or Ardora y Bastiana in Galicia.

In addition to these organizations, which are public, there are other initiatives in other parts of the country that have not yet come to light, and which I won't mention so as not to jinx them. Some of them come from anarchist synthesis collectives or assemblies that are drifting toward our style of anarchism. By the way, none of them come from Euskal Herria, so let's see if anyone is interested!

Regarding the stated objectives, the priority is to create a broader anarchist movement with a greater impact on society, bringing anarchism back to the forefront of social struggle.

It's worth mentioning that we are also coordinating with other European organizations of our same current and with those from the rest of the world. The current international coordination brings together more than twenty organizations, and several more are in the process of joining. The best-known are the Union Communiste Libertaire (French-speaking European countries), Die Plattform (Germany), Anarchist Communist Group (UK), Black Rose Federation (USA), Federación Anarquista Uruguaya, Federación Anarquista de Rosario (Argentina), Coordinadora Anarquista de Brasil (Anarchist Coordinator of Brazil) and Tekoshina Anarsist (Rojava). We are also in contact with other new initiatives currently being created. In some ways, it seems to be a parallel process to that in Spain, which indicates that the anarchist movement is seeking to be better organized.

The concept of popular power has had its greatest diffusion in Latin America, where it has generated significant debate. What is your interpretation or definition of the issue of popular power? How would you differentiate it from left-wing populism?

It was in the 1960-70s that the FAU opted to borrow this concept from the Chilean MIR, the Tupamaros, and other movements of the time that combined various forms of Marxism (primarily Leninism and Guevarism), Liberation Theology, national liberation, and Latin Americanism (those who maintain that Latin America is one country). It should be added that anarchism also influenced this amalgamation, something that is often overlooked. In the 1960s, people's power replaced Leninist concept of "dual power."

The Latin American anarchists of the time understood this as logical, since this dual power (those soviets that coexist with the bourgeois state in an advanced phase of the class struggle, once the revolutionary stage has been reached) in turn drew on the ideas of Bakunin.

In the FAU of the 1950s and 1960s, there was a lively debate about the historical subjects who should carry out the revolution. Given the configuration of Uruguayan society at the time, it was necessary to create a subject that would unite all the oppressed sectors of society. The idea of ​​"the people" was used, but the people were understood as those "below". They had nothing to do with the bourgeoisie. It was somewhat like when the historical CNT-FAI spoke of "the working people" in their newspapers and manifestos. They didn't refer solely to the proletariat, since at that time, to ordinary people, it sounded like talk of factories and little else.

In this relationship between ideology and the production of historical subjects—a relationship that, if it didn't exist, would mean neither ideology nor subject—moments of ideological validity are formed. Historical subjects/agents expand and lead to the hegemony of social bodies, based on the validity of ideologies.[5]

As the class struggle unfolded in Latin America, alliances between the organized labor movement, the student movement, the first feminist associations, the peasantry, and grassroots collectives centered on identity, such as Afros, mestizo, and indigenous peoples, came into play. Furthermore, in the 1970s, the social war received support from the self-employed and small business owners expelled from industrial production. The class struggle often moved to neighborhoods or communities far from the city, and elements of counterpower were generated from below in the midst of the struggle. This was popular power: the people in motion, diffuse, anonymous, contradictory, creative, festive, and combative. Land seizures, industrial cordons, armed groups, occupation of universities—this was popular power in the eyes of ordinary people. In no way should it be confused with interclassism, with its conscious "from below" nature.

In the 2000s, the critique began. The especifist or organized anarchist organizations used popular power in their political language. But Marxist organizations did too. In Cuba and Venezuela, all ministries carried the tagline "popular power." So the term was also linked to the socialist state. Comrades critical of the concept of popular power also pointed out that anarchism was being abandoned within the especifist ranks toward Marxism or national populism. Some anarchists even went further, denying the adherence to anarchism of our entire movement, viewing it as a crypto-Marxism as a whole. This is the origin of the conflict.

With Embat, it was even comical to see that, during the first few years, certain people would always come to all our talks and say that popular power couldn't be anarchist in any way. Ironically, we held the opinion that, in reality, everyone understood us perfectly, except for the "most anarchist" ones. No one seemed to have the slightest problem with the Black Power movement of the American Black Panthers, a concept roughly equivalent to popular power.

However, the passing of the years has largely mitigated those debates. If some organizations or individuals drifted toward other ideological positions, the vast majority did not, contributing to the libertarian movement as a whole, and not just to our current in particular. Today, in Spain, this concept has been largely accepted, even by people who come from other currents, such as anarcho-syndicalism or by libertarians who are active in neighborhoods or housing projects without ever having been on our wavelength.

Regarding left-wing populism, we must say that it engages in interclassism, mixing working-class demands with more bourgeois middle-class ones. This would be the main difference. Specificism defends a "strong people" [Pueblo Fuerte] built as a front for the classes oppressed by capitalism and the state. Although we speak of both currents of popular power, there are substantial differences. Let's see what the specificist view is:

We proclaim the most complete socialization of all spheres of social activity. The socialization of the means of production exercised by the organs of real representation of society and not by the State; the socialization of education, the administration of justice, defense organizations, the sources of knowledge and information, and most especially the socialization of political power. In this last aspect, we advocate the abolition of the State and governmental forms of power as the only guarantee of eliminating all forms of domination. […]

We are fully convinced that this is effectively possible through direct democracy, exercised by grassroots popular organizations organized in a self-managed manner and linked within a federalist framework, where these same popular organizations are expressed in new institutional forms. Today we know more firmly than ever that the model of society we propose is not only possible but is practically, and in accordance with the historical and revolutionary experience of different peoples of the world, the only valid path to truly building socialism.[6]

It would be bold to say this isn't anarchism.

To what extent can the desire not to remain locked in the [activist/anarchist] ghetto and to participate (with a non-dogmatic discourse) in current social struggles or processes lead to political contradictions with anarchist or basic principles of the society for which you fight? Do you remember any occasions when you experienced this dilemma?

Social processes are complex by nature. There are many forces at play and many vested interests. The challenge is to build transformative collective interests in a democratic, transparent, and fraternal environment.

For Embat, the crucible was 2017. We had to position ourselves in a tremendously complex scenario. The Spanish state was in crisis and Catalan society demanded a response. This was the referendum. In just a few months, we experienced a large-scale process of collective empowerment. In just a few weeks, I'd say. The movement was already underway, but the events encouraged many more people to join the process. Counter-power structures were created, the committees for the defense of the Republic. They operated as assemblies, calling for actions and demonstrations. But they also had the opportunity to be spaces for territorial counter-power. Another initiative worth considering was the Constituent Procés, which proposed a constituent assembly for an independent Catalonia that would accommodate the most advanced social aspects. Social and union movements also joined the process in their own way. They joined and were responsible for the famous general strike of October 3rd, one of the most widely followed in Catalan history. The slogan of blocking transportation—trains, roads, and in 2019, the airport—naturally emerged. Something that had only been theorized about in anti-capitalist debate years before and was dismissed due to a lack of strength was put into practice.

Although we were perfectly aware that the leadership of this entire process was in the hands of the "traditional" Catalan political class, we also saw what was happening below. Our response was that we had to be there. We always felt that much more could have been done if all the social and union movements had acted unitedly and as a bloc. But this would have required a much greater organized anarchism, which is what we are trying to build.

Another complex and conflictive moment in which we had to take a stand was during the pandemic. Embat's position denounced the police state and the state's militarization of public spaces, while workers in "essential services" were forced to go to work without sufficient protective measures. We also highlighted the devastating effects of the privatization of healthcare and the management of nursing homes and clinics by private entities. At the same time, we welcomed the self-organized mutual support groups that emerged in many places, as well as the grassroots initiatives in which we participated, such as the Social Shock Plan or the attempted rent strike that was proposed during those months. I would add that we took advantage of the lockdown internally to develop our political line, which required much debate. And during that time, the International Coordination, in which we participated, was also strengthened.

The contradictions were clear within our libertarian movement: some focused on denouncing the police state and the infantilization of people, while others preferred to focus on denouncing privatization and self-organization. We didn't see a unified approach, and each of us fought a bit of our own battle. Perhaps what united us most was those proposed shock plans and similar ones.

NOTES

[1] This excerpt can be found in the Introduction to The Platform https://www.nestormakhno.info/spanish/platform/introduccion.htm

[2] For more information, see The Strategy of Especifismo. Interview by Felipe Correa with Juan Carlos Mechoso: http://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/La-Estrategia-del-Especifismo.pdf

[3] Embat in Catalan refers to the crash of a wave against a rock. It sounded powerful and poetic to us, and it seemed a better name than the typical acronyms of other libertarian organizations of our time.

[4] This was when Especifismo was adopted as one of the guiding principles. The Political Line can be consulted at: https://embat.info/programa-i-linia-politica/

[5] Popular Power from a Libertarian Perspective. https://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/poder-popular-desde-lo-libertario-fau/

[6]Ibid.

Este mayo de 2025 anarkismo.net celebra dos décadas como nodo global del anarquismo organizado. En un comienzo fue propuesto como una revista internacional de la corriente comunista libertaria o anarco-comunista. Desde esta propuesta, la iniciativa evolucionó hacia un portal web multilingüe inaugurado el 1 de mayo de 2005. La historia de anarkismo.net refleja la trayectoria de toda la corriente en su conjunto.

Hoy en día, con más de 15.000 artículos en 10 idiomas, anarkismo.net sigue siendo un archivo vivo y un espacio para quienes construyen poder popular desde abajo. Como escribiera Nestor McNab en 2005: «No somos una internacional, sino una herramienta para que las luchas respiren y se encuentren».

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El sindicalismo alternativo y la toma de contacto

El primer “hilo negro” de toda nuestra historia. En los años 90 existían varias organizaciones de tipo anarco-comunista: Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (OSL, Suiza), OSL Argentina, Alternative Libertaire (Francia),[1] Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchistici (FdCA, Italia),[2] Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU),[3] entre otras más. Funcionaban desde la década anterior y mantenían contacto entre sí.

De esta serie de organizaciones, cabrá destacar el anarco-comunismo francés, que procedía de los años 50, teniendo en esa época la Federación Comunista Libertaria y destacados militantes teóricos como Georges Fontenis, o posteriormente Daniel Guérin y orgánicas como el Moviment Communiste Libertaire, la Organisation Revolutionaire Anarchiste o la Organisation Communiste Libertaire (OCL). Las organizaciones y las revistas de esta corriente se habían sucedido en el tiempo, llegando a los años 90 con gran prestigio en el movimiento anarquista europeo. De la misma forma podemos destacar el anarco-comunismo suizo e italiano, que corrió en paralelo, pero sin tener la misma fortaleza que su movimiento homólogo galo.

Por su parte, en América Latina fue la FAU uruguaya la organización más destacada debido a su trayectoria revolucionaria y a su resistencia frente la dictadura. Volvemos a encontrarnos una organización nacida en los años 50, que logró gran importancia en los años 60 y 70. Tras unos años de ser barrida por la represión, había logrado reorganizarse a mediados de los años 80. Y no solo eso, debido a su trabajo político influyó en otros grupos latinoamericanos, como veremos más adelante.

Volviendo al relato principal, a comienzos de los años 90 las organizaciones europeas tenían militantes también en el llamado “sindicalismo alternativo”, algunos con cargos orgánicos. Por lo tanto, algunos militantes tuvieron la oportunidad de conocerse personalmente a través de los encuentros del sindicalismo alternativo. Uno de aquellos militantes en el estado español era José María Olaizola. Durante toda la década de los 90 fue Secretario de Relaciones Internacionales de la CGT-E y, entre 1993 y 2001, su Secretario General. La CGT, por entonces, tenía como objetivo construir una internacional. En sus propias palabras: [4]

“Dicha intervención tenía el propósito de crear tanto una internacional anarcosindicalista y alternativa y una internacional libertaria, anarquista, y que ambas formasen un movimiento libertario internacional. En este quehacer la CGT inició e intervino en muchas iniciativas. Hubo muchos viajes, mucho contacto personal. ”

En las organizaciones específicas hay que diferenciar la parte política de la parte social o sindical (a menudo denominada “frente”). En caso del sindicalismo, la militancia específica actuaba mediante los frentes sociales o sindicales, y por el hecho de ser buenos militantes, solían acceder a cargos orgánicos en los sindicatos en los que participaban.

El primer encuentro del sindicalismo alternativo fue organizado en Barcelona por la CGT-E en noviembre de 1991. A partir de esos momentos se desarrollaron los contactos con el sindicato SUD-Solidaires francés,[5] Unicobas Italia,[6] la SAC sueca [7] y con otros sindicatos de base más, todos ellos bastante pequeños.

“El primer encuentro del sindicalismo alternativo lo organizamos en Barcelona el 29, 30 de noviembre y 1 de Diciembre de 1991 con sindicatos franceses SUD, en los [que] participaban militantes de AL, como Patrice Spadoni, conocido militante plataformista con quien tuvimos un relación continuada, después Laurent Esquerre de AL también. Conocía a anarquistas franceses por mi exilio parisino. Estuvo también la CGT de Correcteurs, muy potente sindicato francés gestionado por anarquistas de diferentes ramas, en el que Jacky Toublet era un militante muy destacado miembro de [la] FA, la CRT de Suiza [8] donde estaba Arístides Pedraza de la OSL suiza, sindicatos italianos, vascos, uno inglés y otro ruso ambos muy pequeños y, la SAC sueca que siempre era reticente a que alguien quisiera crear una nueva internacional y entre los Italianos estaba Unicobas (Stefano D'Errico su secretario general). Por cierto en este encuentro tuvo un importante papel Emili Cortavitarte quien junto a Chema Berro hicieron de coordinadores del encuentro en representación de la CGT.”

[9]

En 1995 se celebró un encuentro libertario internacional en Ruesta, un pueblo aragonés cedido a la CGT-E. A este encuentro acudieron militantes anarquistas franceses, italianos, suizos, polacos y de otras procedencias. Ruesta tuvo su importancia para establecer unos vínculos personales a nivel internacional.

En Ruesta hubo bastante participación de la militancia de Alternative Libertaire y de OSL (Suiza), acaso porque se lo tomaron como el campamento de verano de la organización francesa. En menor número, llegaron representantes de la FdCA, de Workers Solidarity Movement (Irlanda), de Al-Badil al-Tahriri (Líbano; su nombre en árabe significa Alternativa Libertaria) y de la Federación Anarquista Polaca. [10] Respecto al sindicalismo, la mayoría de los participantes eran de la CGT y la SUD, aunque también hubo gente de Solidaridad Obrera (estado español) y de la SAC (Suecia).

A partir de entonces, esas organizaciones y sus delegados se fueron encontrando en otros eventos internacionales como las marchas contra el paro europeas, las contracumbres y las protestas altermundialistas, como las de Niza (2000), Barcelona (2001) o Génova (2001), así como en otros encuentros impulsados por el sindicalismo alternativo – es decir, CGT-E, SUD-Solidaires, Unicobas, SAC, Solidaridad Obrera… – en los que formaban bloques libertarios. Sigue Olaizola:

“De aquí surgió un grupo en los hechos, no en los papeles, que trabajamos porque teníamos una visión estratégica común alejándonos del sectarismo Jacky, Aristides, Stefano, se incorporó Gerard Mêlinand (CNT fancesa proviniente de OCL...), y posteriormente Juan Carlos Mechoso, FAU; todos para mi grandes amigos y maestros. […]”
“Teníamos una excelente relación con la FdCA italiana plataformista: Saberio Craparo, Donato Romito, Adriana Dadá y Gianni Cimbalo, todos grandes amigos. En toda esta ebullición andaba y nos reuníamos con cierta periodicidad. ”

Los uruguayos apostillan que estos contactos no fueron casuales en absoluto. Muchos de los viajes al extranjero fueron orgánicos: estaban decididos por la organización. “Si los viajes personales cuadraban, se buscaban vínculos más en lo orgánico y no por la libre”. [11] Algunos de estos viajes podrían durar meses, convirtiéndose en largas estancias de intercambio político.

El 1 de mayo del 2000, la CNT francesa (también llamada “Vignoles”) organizó las jornadas “Un autre futur”. Las jornadas contaron con el apoyo de Alternative Libertaire y de la Federation Anarchiste, y sirvieron para unir el anarquismo francés. A la manifestación fueron unas 6000 personas detrás de la pancarta de la CNT, un hito casi histórico.

Pero también esas jornadas sirvieron de punto de encuentro de las organizaciones libertarias sindicalistas: CNT-F, SAC, Unicobas, Industrial Workers of the World, FAU (Alemania), RKAS (Ucrania), Confederación Democrática del Trabajo (Marruecos) y SKT (Siberia)[12] y otros países.[13] Y de nuevo fueron también lugar de socialización de militantes anarco-comunistas franceses, italianos, irlandeses…

En todos estos casos cuando se habla de toma de contacto a nivel político, no se trata solamente de coincidir por casualidad en algún evento o de intercambiar algún mensaje por internet. En bastantes casos se trataba de viajar a un lugar, convivir y establecer vínculos personales, impregnarse de lo que se hacía en ese lugar y debatir, sobre todo debatir, y aprender para trasladarlo al lugar de origen... y luego volver a debatir. Los vínculos personales eran centrales en todo este proceso.

El plataformismo en internet

El segundo “hilo negro” está relacionado con la gran conectividad que proporcionó la tecnología. En los albores de internet surgieron varios portales web de tendencia anarquista: A-infos, Infoshop, Spunk y algunos otros, que surgieron en los años 90. Uno de aquellos sitios web fue el de la organización plataformista irlandesa Workers Solidarity Movement (WSM).[14] En pocos años se subieron a internet centenares de textos clásicos de la historia del anarquismo y de la corriente anarco-comunista o plataformista. Con ello esta corriente ganaría bastantes simpatizantes por todo el mundo. Posteriormente, rehicieron la web y la pusieron online bajo el dominio struggle.ws, dejando la web de WSM para textos relacionados con la propia organización. Este trabajo de difusión y formación fructificaría pronto mediante la creación de una organización sudafricana, el Workers Solidarity Front (WSF), inspirada en su hermana irlandesa.

Poco antes del año 2000 entre ambas organizaciones (o militantes de las mismas) crearon la lista de correo “Anarchist Platform”. En su presentación identificaban claramente a qué tipo de militantes se dirigían [15]:

Nos identificamos como anarquistas y con la tradición «Plataformista» dentro del anarquismo, que incluye grupos y publicaciones como «La Plataforma Organizativa de los Comunistas Libertarios», los «Amigos de Durruti» y el «Manifiesto del Comunismo Libertario». Nos identificamos en líneas generales con la práctica organizativa defendida por esta tradición, aunque no necesariamente con todo lo que hicieron o dijeron. Es decir, es un punto de partida para nuestra política, no un punto final.

El documento de apertura de la lista de correo guarda una gran similitud con el que posteriormente tendrá anarkismo.net. Es típico de las organizaciones políticas emitir un documento de “puntos de unidad” o un “mission statement” que explique las políticas básicas de la organización.

Podemos observar también, que consideraban que sus referentes eran La Plataforma de 1926, del grupo Dielo Truda; Los Amigos de Durruti de la Revolución española; y el Manifiesto escrito por Georges Fontenis en 1953. Estos tres textos enfatizan la necesidad de contar con una potente organización específica anarquista que tendrá la función de articular la militancia anarquista que interviene en las organizaciones de masas. A la postre, esas organizaciones sociales son las que harán la Revolución Social. Estos son los mismos textos que reivindicó FdCA en su 30 aniversario, celebrado en 2016.[16]

La sudafricana ZACF (también conocida como Zabalaza) [17] (creada poco después de disolverse el WSF) se inspiraba también en los mismos textos, que consideraba como sus referentes fundamentales. Años después, añadiría a la lista el texto «Anarquismo Social y Organización» que publicó la organización brasileña FARJ tras su primer congreso de 2008.[18]

La lista de correo, como vemos, puso en contacto a militantes de todas partes, aunque predominantemente del mundo anglosajón. La lista fue utilizada para convocar a un encuentro presencial entre organizaciones plataformistas celebrado en Génova en el 2001, durante la contracumbre alterglobalización, a iniciativa de la organización italiana.[19]

Añadiremos que en abril de 2001, se celebró en Quebec (Canadá) la cumbre de jefes de estado de los países del continente americano. Para la ocasión se publicó una “Declaración Internacional de los Comunistas Libertarios” que cargaba contra la globalización capitalista y terminaba su comunicado llamando a construir la sociedad socialista libertaria. Entre las organizaciones firmantes había bastantes organizaciones plataformistas (NEFAC, WSM, ORA-S Chequia, OCL-Francia, OSL Argentina, Alternative Libertaire de Francia y su homónima del Líbano) junto a organizaciones anarcosindicalistas de la AIT y específicas de síntesis. Fue una excepción, ya que raramente se volverían a juntar estas corrientes.[20]

Solidaridad Internacional Libertaria

Según lo que hemos visto anteriormente, algunos militantes tenían en mente crear una internacional sindicalista alternativa y una internacional libertaria. La conexión definitiva y estable entre Europa y América Latina se dio hacia 1994, aunque había contactos anteriormente. El hispano-suizo Arístides Pedraza era uno de aquellos nexos y puso en contacto a Juan Carlos Mechoso con los militantes de Barcelona. [21] A partir de entonces se entabló una relación muy buena. Entre los militantes españoles, franceses y suizos les costearon a sus compañeros latinoamericanos los viajes, les organizaron charlas, ruedas de prensa y reuniones. De esta manera en la CGT-E conocieron a “Juan Carlos y Juan Pilo de la FAU, los brasileños Eduardo, "el Bocha", "el Gaucho", Verónica de la OSL argentina, en aquellos momentos ayudamos a costear los gastos de tres ateneos en Uruguay, Cerro, Colón y Acacias.” (Olaizola) [22]

La formalización de esta red de contactos y organizaciones daría lugar a la Solidaridad Internacional Libertaria (SIL). Este puede ser nuestro tercer hilo negro. Estaba impulsada por organizaciones diversas de tendencia comunista libertaria, así como anarcosindicalista, mientras que otros grupos tenían un anarquismo social menos definido políticamente. [23] Su primera reunión se celebró en Madrid el 1 de abril de 2001 a iniciativa de la CGT-E. [24] El texto fundacional fue obra de Juan Carlos Mechoso (Montevideo), Pepe García Rey, alias “Ramón Germinal” (Granada) y Paco Marcellán (Madrid): [25]

Hoy apoyamos, como primer paso, la constitución de una red libertaria mundial en la que todos los grupos de afinidad que así lo deseen encuentren su espacio, abierta a organizaciones libertarias, asociaciones, ateneos, sindicatos y otros colectivos libertarios. Esta red servirá para difundir el apoyo mutuo y la solidaridad en las luchas, funcionará como fuente de información y debate para el mundo libertario, organizará encuentros internacionales, creará escuelas de formación, empleará videoconferencias, Internet y todo tipo de herramientas disponibles para articular estrategias que permitan introducir y guiar la idea libertaria en las diversas luchas sociales.

[26]

Respecto a la lista de organizaciones, tenemos a la OSL (Suiza), Alternative Libertaire (Francia), Al-Badil al-Tahriri (Líbano), FAU (Uruguay), Federación Anarquista Gaucha (FAG, Brasil), [27] la ORA-Solidarita de la República Checa, [28] todos estos de tendencia anarco-comunista, la red antifascista francesa No Pasarán, la organización magonista [29] CIPO-RFM (México) [30], y las organizaciones anarcosindicalistas CGT-E, SAC (Suecia), Unicobas (Italia) y CNT-F (Vignoles, Francia). Esta última participó en la primera reunión, pero se retiró de la red SIL. Mientras tanto, al poco tiempo se incorporaron FdCA (Italia), ZACF (Sudáfrica) [31], AUCA (Argentina) [32], NEFAC (Norteamérica) [33] y la recién creada la Red Libertaria Apoyo Mutuo (estado español), que fue un intento de organización específica que no tuvo mucho recorrido.

Posteriormente, se celebraron un par de reuniones internacionales más en los años siguientes. Su contexto es el del movimiento de resistencia a la globalización capitalista, que en Europa se caracterizó por las contracumbres contra los encuentros del gran capital (como los del Banco Mundial, el G8 o los de la Unión Europea) que se acompañaron de multitudinarias protestas.

Gracias a su existencia se financiaron algunos proyectos, como la imprenta “Aragón” y un ateneo en Uruguay, un centro comunitario, una cooperativa y una imprenta en Brasil, un local en Cuba, o el apoyo para el periódico de la OSL argentina. Lo más importante es que en la SIL se conocieron diversos militantes europeos y latinoamericanos, se pagaron viajes, se editaron libros, se publicaron periódicos, y se pagaron actos públicos de las organizaciones y bastantes cosas más.

Como podemos imaginarnos, estos contactos son la razón de muchas jornadas, conferencias, debates, entrevistas conjuntos entre varios de estos militantes que fueron realizando hasta bien entrada la década de 2010. [34]

Sin embargo, esta iniciativa de solidaridad internacionalista tampoco duró demasiado tiempo. La SIL se había creado en un período de reflujo del movimiento alterglobalización. Además, la CGT cambió de secretariado y no siguieron desarrollando estos contactos.

El ELAOPA, las Jornadas Anarquistas de Porto Alegre y la primera CALA

Al otro lado del Océano Atlántico encontramos el cuarto hilo de construcción internacional. Los encuentros entre la FAU, la FAG brasileña y los grupos argentinos habían sido habituales en los años 90. Este trabajo había dado sus frutos, puesto que a comienzos del nuevo siglo ya existían otros grupos de la corriente en otros países. Ahora habría que articularlos.

A escala nacional, por un lado, los grupos y organizaciones brasileñas crearon el Foro del Anarquismo Organizado (FAO), creado en 2002. Era un espacio de debate ideológico, teórico y estratégico para dar un salto de escala en Brasil. Por el otro, se había dado procesos similares en Chile (1999), con el Congreso de Unificación anarco-comunista (CUAC). No exactamente a partir del CUAC, pero sin suda influida por ese proceso, en 2002 se creó la Organización Comunista Libertaria chilena. [35]

Dentro del marco del Foro Social Mundial (FSM), celebrado en Porto Alegre en 2003, surgió el llamado Encuentro Latinoamericano de Organizaciones Populares Autónomas (ELAOPA). [36] El encuentro planteaba un espacio diferenciado del FSM, tomado por las ONG, los partidos políticos y hasta por iniciativas empresariales. Desde el sector radical de los movimientos populares se reivindicaba la autonomía de clase y la creación de una alianza de los movimientos sociales fuera de las instituciones. El ELAOPA tenía los siguientes principios:

1. La Construcción de Poder Popular.
2. Una Perspectiva antipatriarcal y anticolonial.
3. El protagonismo popular y la Acción Directa.
4. La Solidaridad de Clase, el Apoyo Mutuo y el Internacionalismo.

En siguientes eventos, el ELAOPA se desvinculó del FSM y fue cambiando de ciudad, celebrándose cada dos años, aproximadamente. En el año 2025 se ha celebrado el XV encuentro en Santiago de Chile con más de 400 personas que representaban numerosas organizaciones de base. [37]

El ELAOPA es un encuentro entre organizaciones sociales y populares y raramente alguna de ellas se reivindica como libertaria, si acaso se reivindican como “autónomas”, “clasistas”, “populares” o dicen que tienen “influencias libertarias”. Sin embargo, la militancia del llamado “anarquismo especifista” tenía presencia en bastantes de aquellas organizaciones. Estamos hablando de la militancia social y barrial de las mencionadas FAU, FAG y otras, que actuaba en estos movimientos populares, y aprovecharon los encuentros de ELAOPA para reunirse también.

Con el ELAOPA surgía una oportunidad para el encuentro cara a cara entre la militancia libertaria. Por lo tanto, se creó un evento propio que normalmente se celebraba al día siguiente de terminar el Encuentro popular: las Jornadas Anarquistas. Eran (y son) un espacio no solo de propaganda o de cultura libertaria, sino también de debate estratégico con la mente puesta en la intervención en las luchas sociales y la promoción de la corriente. [38]

Los esfuerzos tuvieron mucho éxito. Para el período 2007-2008, se había producido la creación de varias organizaciones comunistas libertarias nuevas, algunas con pretensión de ser de ámbito nacional:

La situación del especificismo “plataformista” es considerablemente más variada y compleja. Ya vimos en su oportuno momento que como tales debía considerarse a la Organización Socialista Libertaria, Rojo y Negro, Comunismo Libertario, la Organización Revolucionaria Anarquista y el Colectivo Comunista Libertario en Argentina; a la Organización del Poder Popular Libertario en Bolivia; a los nucleamientos que giran alrededor del Forum del Anarquismo Organizado y a la Uniâo Popular Anarquista [Unipa] en Brasil; a la Organización Comunista Libertaria, el Colectivo de Agitación Libertaria y el Movimiento Libertario Joaquín Murieta en Chile; a la Alianza Comunista Libertaria en México; a Qhispikay Llaqta en Perú y, por último, a la Federación Anarquista Uruguaya, la Organización Libertaria Cimarrón, la Federación Libertaria y Bandera Negra en Uruguay.

[39]

Con toda esta serie de grupos, como es lógico, también surgieron iniciativas de articulación a mayor escala. El mayor intento de la época fue la Coordinación Anarquista Latinoamericana (CALA), creada en 2004 por la FAU (Uruguay), la FAG (Brasil), AUCA de Argentina, Lucha Libertaria y UNIPA de Brasil. [40] Pero esta UNIPA rompió con la corriente para crear su propio espacio político, el “bakuninismo”, priorizando las alianzas con la Alianza Comunista Libertaria de México y la Organización Revolucionaria Anarquista de la Argentina. Más adelante, se añadió el Foro del Anarquismo Organizado de Brasil. Esta primera CALA duró unos pocos años.

La CALA se adhirió al anarquismo especifista. Defendían una estrategia de poder popular democrática y rupturista, pero nunca entraron a definir las características de la sociedad post-revolucionaria. Entendían el especifismo como la organización política anarquista. Por tanto, no se diferenciaban del plataformismo más que en la tradición particular anarquista latinoamericana y en el tiempo en el que ambas propuestas tuvieron lugar. Por consiguiente, la vocación es idéntica, a pesar de algunos desarrollos propios.

La creación del portal web anarkismo.net

Como hemos visto antes, la SIL ya había logrado poner en contacto unas 11 organizaciones de tipo anarco-comunista, habiendo otras 3 que no se definían así, pero que, con un poco de trabajo político, podrían haberlo sido sin mayor problema. La desaparición de la red SIL dejó un vacío organizativo que llenaría anarkismo.net.

En palabras de José Antonio Gutiérrez [41]:

La idea de Anarkismo.net nació en primera instancia como la idea de hacer una revista internacional. Aproximadamente en 1999 comenzamos a conversar con un compañero de Alternative Libertaire y yo, que entonces era encargado de relaciones internacionales del CUAC, a discutir la necesidad de conocernos mejor como organizaciones libertarias que estábamos en el ala del plataformismo. Había entonces una lista de emails en la cual intercambiábamos discusiones y experiencias, pero sentíamos que necesitábamos artículos más en profundidad para entender mejor nuestra política desde nuestros contextos y prácticas. Nuestra idea era hacer un almanaque anual internacional del anarco-comunismo, con información de los países en los que teníamos presencia y de sus organizaciones, un balance anual que fuera muy reflexivo y crítico.

Así comenzamos a conversar esta idea, y en Febrero de 2002, coincidimos en Dublín con Nestor McNabb de la FdCA [Federazione dei Communisti Anarchici] y estaba Andrew Flood del WSM. Nos reunimos los tres en un pub del centro de Dublín, en South William Street, el pub se llama Grogan's. Ahí conversamos la idea del almanaque anual y la idea fue creciendo, la llevamos a nuestras organizaciones y con el crecimiento de internet, decidimos que por un asunto de presupuesto y de facilidad de distribución, etc. era mucho mejor tener un sitio internacional del anarco-comunismo.

Así nació la idea de Anarkismo, un sitio de carácter anarco-comunista y plurilinguistico, por eso el nombre, que es “anarquismo” en esperanto. El sitio, después de mucho trabajo, fue lanzado el primero de mayo de 2005, una fecha muy simbólica. La idea comenzó como un sitio web, pero la idea de facilitar el intercambio entre las organizaciones y conocernos mejor, era desde el primer momento con el fin de acercarnos políticamente e ir generando tendencia. No queríamos plantear una internacional de nombre, sino que queríamos que el trabajo internacional y el intercambio de experiencias fuera, gradual y orgánicamente, dando paso a una mayor cohesión como tendencia, como corriente, de cara a crear una federación internacional con bases sólidas. Esa fue la intención desde el principio.

Militantes como Nestor McNab (irlandés que vivía en Roma), Paul Bowman, Andrew Flood o Ian McKay (Irlanda), Jonathan Payn (Sudáfrica), Dimitris Troaditis (primero Atenas y, después, Melbourne), Adam Weaver (Miami), Nicolas Phoebus (Quebec), Wayne Price (Nueva York) y el chileno José Antonio Gutierrez, entre otras, fueron las personas clave en el desarrollo político, técnico y editorial del nuevo portal. Se habían conocido a través de la lista de correos “Anarchist Platform” y de otros encuentros presenciales. Habían leído los artículos que habían escrito los demás y los habían difundido o traducido en sus respectivos territorios e idiomas.

Entre las organizaciones fundadoras de anarkismo.net no podían faltar las mencionadas FAU, FAG, FdCA y Alternative Libertaire (Francia). No todas entraron a la vez, sino que algunas estaban en contacto desde los inicios, pero se tomaron un tiempo en decidirse (por ejemplo, FAU y OSL). Junto a las organizaciones a las que pertenecían los compañeros antes nombrados, se sentaron las bases de un proyecto que hizo posible la articulación internacional de toda la corriente anarco-comunista o plataformista. [42]

Por entonces, en la primera mitad de los 2000, ya existían unas cuantas nuevas organizaciones con cierta relevancia para la corriente comunista libertaria. Por nombrar algunas: NEFAC (noroeste de Estados Unidos y Canadá oriental), el CUAC y OCL (Chile), OSL y FACA (Argentina), además de las ya conocidas, ZACF (Sudáfrica), Alternative Libertaire (Francia), FdCA (Italia) y WSM (Irlanda).

Como vemos, en los grupos anarquistas predominaba la presencia masculina y, por ello, prácticamente todos los delegados internacionales eran hombres. Las mujeres iban a los encuentros la mayor parte de las veces cuando las delegaciones de sus organizaciones se componían de varias personas.

Es igualmente necesario mencionar que los roles que jugó la militancia de las organizaciones en los encuentros internaciones fue posible gracias al trabajo de numerosas y numerosos compañeros que marcaron de una forma u otra el desarrollo y la dinamización de sus organizaciones. Esto se produjo de múltiples formas: creando aportes teóricos, estratégicos o elementos de debate; reuniéndose en distintos ámbitos; difundiendo experiencias; o contribuyendo al fortalecimiento de los lazos. Cada cual aportó su granito de arena.

La corriente encuadrada en el anarco-comunismo entendía que el anarquismo, si quería tener algún tipo de relevancia, debería estar bien organizado y, por supuesto, tomarse en serio su participación en las luchas colectivas, buscando potenciarlas y articulando política y estratégicamente a toda la gente libertaria que existía en su seno.

Nos definimos como Anarquistas Comunistas porque pertenecemos a la tradición anarquista que reconoce la necesidad de una organización dual: una organización anarquista «específica» que trabaja dentro y junto a las organizaciones de masas de la clase trabajadora.

[43]

Cada organización tenía su web y sus periódicos desde los que proyectaban su estrategia. Los más difundidos eran la revista mensual Alternative Libertaire y Courant Alternatif [44] en Francia y Alternativa Libertaria en Italia, que provenían de los años 70 y ya tenían su público.

En internet, además de anarkismo.net, los sitios más prolíficos del anarco-comunismo fueron la web británica libcom.org, en donde se publicaron docenas de biografías relacionadas con el makhnovismo habitualmente escritas por Nick Heath [45]; la web de Nestor McNab nestormakhno.info; makhno.ru, en lengua rusa; el sitio Anarchist and the Platformist Tradition [46] o la propia A-Infos, en cuyo grupo editorial estaba el anarquista israelí, Ilan Shalif, anarco-comunista convencido. [47] Estos sitios web contribuyeron a extender la corriente, como antes habían hecho struggle.ws o zabalaza.net.

Una coordinación, no una internacional

Anarkismo.net no aspiraba a ser una internacional, sino una herramienta para compartir informaciones sobre las luchas locales, teoría y estrategias. Funcionaba mediante un Colectivo de Delegados y otro Editorial, tomando un rol político el primero y un rol técnico el segundo.

Había quien prefería una estructura más definida – caminando hacia una Internacional – como Alternative Libertaire, mientras otros preferían mantenerla como espacio abierto. A pesar de esta diferencia, se realizaron algunas campañas de solidaridad, como la del apoyo a la insurrección de Oaxaca (2005-06).

En estos años se fue fortaleciendo esta corriente en América Latina, especialmente en Chile (OCL, FEL), Argentina (Columna Libertaria Joaquín Penina, [48] Red Libertaria) y Brasil (FARJ) [49], donde surgieron numerosos grupos, webs y blogs. Y se fue consolidando su forma de interpretar el anarco-comunismo, llamada “especifismo”. A esto contribuyeron varios autores brasileños como Bruno Lima, Rafael Viana o Felipe Correa que construyeron el Instituto de Teoría e Historia Anarquista (ITHA) con los sudafricanos Lucien van der Walt, Michael Schmidt o Jonathan Payn, así como otros militantes, como el mencionado Dimitris Troaditis o el argentino Emilio Crisi, entre otros. El ITHA ha sido casi como una especie de think tank de textos académicos de la corriente.

Correa definió el especifismo como: [50]

Es una corriente que sostiene un conjunto de posiciones frente a los grandes debates estratégicos del anarquismo. Primero, en relación al debate organizacional, los especifistas sostienen la necesidad de un dualismo organizacional, a partir del cual los anarquistas se articulan en una organización política, como anarquistas, y en las organizaciones sociales (sindicatos y movimientos sociales), como trabajadores. En segundo lugar, frente al debate sobre el papel de las reformas, los especifistas consideran que, según la forma en que se busquen y conquisten, pueden contribuir a un proceso revolucionario. En tercer lugar, en relación con el debate sobre la violencia, los especifistas consideran que siempre debe realizarse en el contexto y concomitantemente con la construcción de movimientos de masas. En el plano social, de los movimientos de masas, el Especifismo promueve un programa que tiene numerosas afinidades con el sindicalismo revolucionario.

En América Latina esta corriente lanzó iniciativas y tendencias dentro de los sindicatos obreros, así como del movimiento estudiantil y barrial, como por ejemplo, los FEL o frentes estudiantiles libertarios (presente en varios países, aunque en su inicio surgió en Chile), Resistência Popular en Brasil o la Federación de Organizaciones de Base en Argentina, entre otras.

Para no hablar de especifismo o plataformismo, que resulta difícil de comprender para el gran público, en la corriente se prefirió utilizar el concepto de anarquismo organizado. En otros lugares se utilizó el concepto anarquismo social y organizado, para acotar aún más a quiénes se dirigían.

En otros lugares del mundo también aparecieron grupos anarco-comunistas, destacando los de Rusia (Acción Autónoma [51] – y también en su órbita de influencia: Armenia, Georgia, Bulgaria e Israel), Ucrania (RKAS-Makhno), Turquía (AKI, KaraKizil, Liberter), Australia (MAGC) [52], Grecia (Federación Anarquista de Grecia Occidental) y con influencia en otros territorios. En los primeros casos, el anarco-comunismo estaría mezclado con el insurreccionalismo y, en los últimos, sus caminos estarían deslindados.

En noviembre de 2008 se celebraría en Washington la primera cumbre del G20. Para esta ocasión se emitió la “Declaración anarco-comunista sobre la crisis económica global y la Reunión del G20”. Eran los comienzos de la crisis. Había estallado la burbuja inmobiliaria y financiera unos pocos meses antes y se hablaba de colapso. Los estados tuvieron que realizar un rescate económico a la banca para evitar males mayores. 11 organizaciones firmaron la declaración. Firmaron varias organizaciones ya mencionadas en otras ocasiones. Las nuevas eran Common Cause (Ontario, Canadá), Union Communiste Libertaire (Quebec, Canadá), Unión Socialista Libertaria (Perú), Liberty & Solidarity (L&S, Gran Bretaña) [53] y dos organizaciones de síntesis: la Asociación Obrera de Canarias y la Federación Anarquista de Berlín. [54]

Tiempo después, en febrero de 2010, se reunieron en París 6 organizaciones de la corriente: la FdCA (Italia), L&S (Gran Bretaña), WSM (Irlanda), la OSL (Suiza), Motmakt («Contrapoder», Noruega) y Alternative libertaire (Francia). Su objetivo era evaluar el estado del movimiento comunista libertario en Europa y favorecer una coordinación continental. Crearon grupos de trabajo, para mantener las relaciones y avanzar en la coordinación. [55]

La maduración de la red

Hacia el período 2010-13, los distintos grupos y organizaciones que se reivindicaban del anarco-comunismo y que ya estaban en relación mutua, como hemos visto, consolidaron la red. Fue entonces cuando se estabilizó el Colectivo Editorial de Anarkismo, que ya hemos visto que estaba compuesto de un delegado de cada una de las organizaciones. Ponemos una tabla con las organizaciones que componían anarkismo en 2010 y en 2015:

2010
Alternative Libertaire (France)
Buffalo Class Action (USA)
Chasqui Anarquista (Ecuador)
Colectivo Socialista Libertaria (Uruguay)
Common Action (USA)
Common Cause (Canada)
Convergencia Juvenil Clasista "Hijos del Pueblo" (Ecuador)
Estrategia Libertaria (Chile)
Federação Anarquista de São Paulo (Brazil)
Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Federação Anarquista Gaúcha / Foro del Anarquismo Organizado (Brazil)
Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchici (Italy)
Four Star Anarchist Organization (USA)
"Hombre y Sociedad" (Chile)
Humboldt Grassroots (USA)
Liberty & Solidarity (UK)
Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (Australia)
Miami Autonomy & Solidarity (USA)
Motmakt (Norway)
North-Eastern Federation of Anarchist Communists (USA)
Organización Revolucionaria Anarquista - Voz Negra (Chile)
Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (Switzerland)
Red Libertaria de Buenos Aires (Argentina)
Red Libertaria Popular Mateo Kramer (Colombia)
Solidarity & Defense (USA)
Union Communiste Libertaire (Canada)
Unión Socialista Libertaria (Peru)
Workers Solidarity Movement (Ireland)
Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (South Africa)

2015
Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA (Italy)
Alternative Libertaire (France)
Black Rose Anarchist Federation / Federación Anarquista Rosa Negra (USA)
Common Cause (Canada)
Coordination des Groupes Anarchistes (France)
Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Federação Anarquista Gaúcha / Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (Brazil)
Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (Uruguay)
Grupo Anarquista Bifurcación (Colombia)
Grupo Libertario Vía Libre (Colombia)
Humboldt Grassroots (USA)
Libertäre Aktion Winterthur (Switzerland)
Libertarian Communist Group / Grwp Gomiwnyddol Libertaraidd (Wales/Cymru)
Libertære Socialister (Denmark)
Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (Australia)
Motmakt (Norway)
Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (Switzerland)
Organização Anarquista Socialismo Libertário (Brazil)
Organización Socialista Libertaria (Uruguay)
Prairie Struggle Organization (Canada)
Workers Solidarity Movement (Ireland)
Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (South Africa)

En este listado ya podemos ver la desaparición de NEFAC de Norteamérica, que se redujo a unos grupos en Nueva Inglaterra (Buffalo y Nueva York) y Canadá (por ejemplo, Common Cause y UCL). Con el tiempo, en 2014, los grupos de Estados Unidos crearon una federación, Black Rose/Rosa Negra. [56] También podemos apreciar la fundación, en 2012, de la Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira a partir de los grupos preexistentes (como FAG, FARJ, OASL, CAZP y otros) [57]que se articulaban en torno al foro FAO y que ya pertenecían a la red Anarkismo.

El resto de organizaciones son las que continuaban con la tradición comunista libertaria o anarco-comunista cuya tradición viene de los años 70 y 80, tales como Alternative Libertaire (Francia), FdCA (Italia), OSL (Suiza, se unió a Anarkismo en 2010), la FAU (Uruguay) o WSM (Irlanda).

La CGA francesa era una escisión de la Federación Anarquista Francófona tras su llamamiento a apoyar a Jacques Chirac en las elecciones presidenciales para evitar que triunfase Le Pen. Con el tiempo la CGA derivó hacia el anarco-comunismo y acabaría fusionada en 2019 con Alternative Libertaire, creando la Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL), que actualmente es la mayor organización de este tipo en todo el mundo.

Cada organización tiene su historia y sería demasiado largo desarrollarlas todas aquí. Lo que resulta obvio es que esta corriente se articulaba a escala global y pudo aprovechar el auge del radicalismo que sobrevolaba el planeta en 2011, de la misma manera que la SIL se desarrolló durante el movimiento alterglobalización.

En 2011 tuvo lugar la Primavera Árabe, el movimiento de los indignados y las ocupaciones de las plazas. También fue el momento de entrada en el activismo de una nueva generación. Surgió con fuerza la Revolución de Rojava. Aparecieron organizaciones anarco-comunistas en Egipto (Movimiento Socialista Libertario, MSL), Israel (Unidad) y Tunicia, de breve existencia, así como nuevas intentonas en Irán, Líbano o Jordania.

En aquel año se hizo un comunicado de solidaridad con 46 activistas detenidos en Zimbabwe. Lo firmaron 11 organizaciones comunistas libertarias. [58] Ese mismo año se firmó la declaración de solidaridad con la lucha popular de Egipto, cuyo pueblo acababa de derrocar el régimen de Mubarak. [59] Esta vez eran 23 organizaciones las que firmaron. Como novedades, las organizaciones de Egipto (MSL), Colombia (grupo Vía Libre y CELIP), Chile (Federación Comunista Libertaria y Revista “Política y Sociedad”) y Estados Unidos (Autonomía y Solidaridad de Miami). También firmaron una serie de grupos anarcosindicalistas como la CGT-E, Solidaridad Obrera, WSA (Estados Unidos) y el ICEA (estado español). [60]

De nuevo, la red Anarkismo no quiso formalizarse como una estructura más sólida – como una federación internacional – para evitar caer en rivalidades y en competencia con las demás internacionales libertarias, por entonces, la AIT y la IFA, pero es innegable que estaba funcionado de forma bastante coordinada.

En 2012 se volvieron a reunir 8 organizaciones europeas en Londres. [61] Además de hablar de coordinarse mejor, sacaron una campaña contra la deuda soberana. Por su parte, ese mismo año, en Sao Paolo se celebraron las Jornadas Anarquistas convocadas por la Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU) y el Foro del Anarquismo Organizado de Brasil (FAO) [62] para desarrollar el anarquismo especifista en el continente. En aquella ocasión aprobaron documentos estratégicos en torno a los conceptos de poder popular y de federalismo.

Hablar de “popular” significa dotar el proyecto de poder un carácter eminentemente clasista, aunque debamos destacar que hablamos de poder desde una perspectiva libertaria. Un proyecto de los/as oprimidos/as que se da a partir de los movimientos populares y que hace una acumulación de fuerza social necesaria para un enfrentamiento de largo aliento, con pasos firmes, fuertes, bien marcados, que creemos necesario desde el punto de vista ideológico. [63]

Fue a partir de entonces que el movimiento anarquista adoptaría de forma más decidida esta concepción teórica, más típica del desarrollo de la lucha de clases en América Latina, y pronto también llegaría a Europa a través de Embat (Catalunya) y Libertäre Aktion (Berna).

En agosto de 2012 tuvo lugar el mayor encuentro presencial de la corriente: Saint Imier (Suiza). Aprovechando el Encuentro Internacional Anarquista, se colocó una carpa llamada “Anarkismo” que sería el punto de encuentro para los militantes internacionales de la corriente y sus simpatizantes. Aproximadamente la mitad de las 30 organizaciones que estaban en contacto con anarkismo.net en esos momentos, enviaron delegados al Encuentro y se celebró una conferencia de delegados. Se constataba el enorme crecimiento de esta corriente en América Latina y se veía un gran desarrollo desde los comienzos del portal web.

Desde la perspectiva de la delegación del WSM, las diversas reuniones de Anarkismo celebradas durante la semana fueron una valiosa oportunidad de conocer a compañeros con quienes quizás nunca nos hubiéramos cruzado y de revitalizar nuestra participación en la red Anarkismo. La propia red continúa expandiéndose desde sus inicios muy modestos en 2005, tanto en términos del número de organizaciones involucradas, [de] dispersión geográfica de estas organizaciones y, lo más importante, [desde] una mayor cooperación entre ellas. Cuando cada organización presentó su trabajo durante la mañana de la reunión global, fue llamativo el enfoque político y organizativo común que compartimos, a pesar de operar en contextos muy diferentes. También quedó claro que, en particular, las organizaciones sudamericanas han experimentado un crecimiento significativo en número e influencia en los últimos años.

[64]

Como medida positiva: en la preparación del Encuentro colaboraron las organizaciones sintetistas y plataformistas suizas y francesas que no siempre tenían buenas relaciones. Pero no todo el mundo se hacía ilusiones. Los problemas organizativos fueron muchos y de lo que más careció el Encuentro fue precisamente de claridad programática:

Otra cuestión muy diferente hubiese sido si, previamente durante tres o dos años, se hubiese preparado y llevado a cabo un debate alrededor de un análisis de coyuntura común, se hubiese impulsado una coordinación y federación real de organizaciones y de luchas, se hubiese avanzado en tener un programa común... podríamos pensar, y tendríamos elementos reales para valorar, que fruto de dicho trabajo en St. Imier o cualquier otro lugar se culminase, y la lógica de dicha culminación no sería un encuentro sino la creación una internacional anarquista.

[65]

En 2014 se firmó un comunicado conjunto del Primero de Mayo entre varias organizaciones: [66] ZACF (Sudáfrica), WSM (Irlanda), OSL (Suiza), Collectife Communiste Libertaire (Bienne, Suiza), FdCA (Italia), WSA (Estados Unidos), Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (Australia) y Prairie Struggle (Estados Unidos). Y meses más tarde, 14 organizaciones de la corriente firmaron otro comunicado de apoyo a la resistencia kurda. [67] Este fue el último comunicado conjunto de esta época.

Los días 18 y 19 de noviembre de 2017 se reunieron en Génova varias organizaciones europeas para intercambiar análisis y para establecer un plan de acción europeo. Se reunieron Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA (el nuevo nombre de la veterana organización italiana), Alternative Libertaire (Francia), CGA (Francia), Libertarian Socialist Federation (Gales, Gran Bretaña), OSL (Suiza) y WSM (Irlanda). [68] Embat (Catalunya) envió su saludo al encuentro, y a partir de entonces entró mucho más en contacto con esta corriente.

Para 2020 la Union Communiste Libertaire de Francia hacía un extenso mapeo del movimiento [69]:

En todos aquellos años se fue forjando la tradición de enviarle saludos a cada organización de la corriente que celebrase un congreso. Esto ayudaba a forjar un movimiento internacional y a que toda la militancia tuviese en mente que pertenecía a un movimiento mucho mayor que su propia organización o de sus contextos locales. [70]

Tiempo de reflujo

No todo fueron buenas noticias para la corriente, además de la espinosa cuestión chilena, que pronto veremos, entre 2018 y 2021 se disolvieron WSM [71] y Zabalaza, así como otros grupos locales y regionales en Norteamérica al no lograr relevo generacional. Además, otras organizaciones también entraron en crisis, sin llegar a disolverse, como Motmakt (Noruega), [72] con quien se perdió el contacto. Varias organizaciones europeas desaparecieron (en Dinamarca, Portugal, Chequia o Turquía) o sus movimientos no fueron capaces de lograr estabilidad (Gran Bretaña o Rusia). En América se perdieron las organizaciones de Bolivia y Perú, hubo rupturas en Argentina, Chile y en los Estados Unidos.

Otra ruptura de esta época fue la que sufrió la Anarchist Federation (Gran Bretaña). Esta organización, creada en 1986 como anarco-comunista, ya hacía tiempo que era de síntesis. En 2018 tuvo un conflicto interno y salió de ella un sector que formaría el Anarchist Communist Group (ACG), [73] ya de marcada tendencia comunista libertaria. El ACG vino a suceder a las organizaciones plataformistas británicas que nunca lograron arraigar, como L&S o la LSF. Aun así, quedaron y quedan diversos grupos anarco-comunistas que no se plantean unirse al ACG todavía.

Las causas de estas crisis son diversas. Por ejemplo, se dieron varias situaciones sociales y políticas en varios estados que hacían imposible cultivar las relaciones internacionales. Estas relaciones se veían interrumpidas también en caso de crisis internas y rupturas dentro de las organizaciones. Otro problema para realizar unas relaciones internacionales con solvencia fue el rápido cambio de delegados, teniendo varias organizaciones delegados que no hablaban inglés, mientras que otros compañeros que habían gestionado estas relaciones pasaron a realizar otras funciones dentro de sus organizaciones. Peor lo pasó FdCA, puesto que en solamente cuatro meses de 2018 perdieron a Donato Romito y Monia Andreani, fallecidos. En otros casos se priorizó una construcción más interna, mejorando la inserción a nivel social y territorial, pero relegando a un segundo plano el ámbito internacional. Por último, no poco daño haría el caso de Michael Schmidt y su expulsión de anarkismo.net e ITHA. [74]

El caso chileno

En este punto habría que hablar del movimiento en Chile. Su origen se remonta a 1999, con la celebración del CUAC, iniciando un proceso que daría origen posteriormente a la OCL en 2002. Al año siguiente, se impulsaría un Frente Estudiantil Libertario (FEL) y, en 2006, a partir de la llamada “revuelta de los pingüinos” (estudiantes de secundaria) el FEL crecería exponencialmente. Logró atraerse numerosa militancia y cuando esa generación estudiantil pasó a la universidad llegarían a liderar el movimiento estudiantil, habitualmente controlado por comunistas y autonomistas. Militantes como Felipe Ramírez, Fabián Araneda o Melissa Sepúlveda ocuparon importantes cargos electos en la Federación Estudiantil Chilena (de carácter unitaria y semiinstitucional), que en esos momentos era uno de los movimientos populares más potentes de Chile. De entre sus iniciativas más destacables, su línea gráfica, muy colorista y reconocible, que copiaron y adaptaron muchos colectivos de otros lugares. Llenaron Chile de murales a través de sus unidades muralistas Ernesto Miranda. [75]

Tiempo después todo ese espacio político se fusionó en Izquierda Libertaria. Esta nueva organización adoptó otras líneas estratégicas diferentes al magma comunista libertario que había impulsado el movimiento hasta ese momento, virando hacia un socialismo libertario mucho menos definido, más acorde con el marxismo libertario. A su vez, lograron un tamaño nunca visto para una organización libertaria en estas últimas décadas, rivalizando con otros partidos u organizaciones políticas mucho más asentadas en el panorama chileno.

En ese escenario un sector de los libertarios -que me atrevería a decir que es mayoritario- ha realizado una serie de reflexiones que han ido dando forma a la apuesta política denominada “Ruptura Democrática” en diversos artículos y documentos públicos así como en procesos de discusión internos. A pesar de esto aún existen algunas confusiones respecto a las implicancias de esta apuesta, que buscaremos en cierta medida aclarar con este artículo. [76]

Los sectores comunistas libertarios chilenos comenzaron a apoyar las opciones electorales de izquierda desde 2013. Al principio lo hicieron de forma táctica, sin intervenir en las campañas, pero llamando a votar por una ruptura democrática para derribar el régimen democrático de tipo reaccionario que mandaba en el país. Más tarde, en el proceso electoral de 2018, Izquierda Libertaria se unió al Frente Amplio, que se presentaba a las elecciones parlamentarias. Debido a su participación, la militante libertaria, Gael Yeomans salió elegida como diputada. [77] A partir de entonces IL ha tenido más diputados regionales y nacionales y también senadores. Esos esfuerzos culminaron con un gobierno progresista en el país dirigido por un exlíder estudiantil de tendencia autonomista de la misma época que el FEL, Gabriel Boric. Sin embargo, no ha producido la esperada radicalización de la sociedad para construir alternativas revolucionarias en clave socialista a través del poder popular y del poder constituyente. Chile continúa siendo un estado capitalista – de corte progresista eso sí – sin el menor atisbo de políticas socializadoras.

Como se ve, Izquierda Libertaria [78] había abandonado los postulados comunistas libertarios tradicionales, y fue señalada por los rivales y oponentes a la corriente de dentro del anarquismo como una derivación lógica de todo el anarquismo especifista. Por ello, y por otras causas también, sufrió algunas escisiones,[79] como Solidaridad FCL [80], que a su vez algunas de éstas siguieron el camino parlamentarista, teniendo nuevas escisiones.

A nivel latinoamericano el movimiento especifista tomó distancia de todos estos grupos chilenos hasta que surgió la Federación Anarquista Santiago (FAS) [81] en 2019, de nuevo alineada con el resto del movimiento internacional. Esta FAS, por lo tanto, surge como una ruptura con la impronta que tomó el comunismo libertario chileno, retornando al especifismo latinoamericano.

De la red a la Coordinación

Entre 2015 y 2019 el movimiento vivió un retroceso causado por cuestiones que ya hemos visto anteriormente, provocando divisiones en algunas organizaciones de la corriente, que dificultaban el entendimiento, que fomentaban la desorientación o directamente que desembocaron en la disolución de algunas organizaciones y la destrucción de movimientos enteros, tal como hemos visto.

No todo fueron decepciones, desde luego. Si en 2018 había surgido una organización británica de carácter nacional (la ACG), en 2019 se fundó Die Plattform en Alemania, el estado europeo más grande que hasta el momento había carecido de organizaciones de la corriente.

En las Jornadas Anarquistas de 2019 las organizaciones latinoamericanas hablaban de la necesidad de un relanzamiento de la corriente. [82] En este momento reivindicaban el especifismo o, lo que es lo mismo, el anarquismo políticamente organizado, y pretendían que se afianzara en todas las regiones. Su comunicado definía el rol de la organización política anarquista, que se debería encargar de elaborar la teoría y las herramientas de análisis para conocer la realidad y poder actuar mejor en ella. Hacían hincapié en el trabajo político interno de cada organización para evitar confusionismos y callejones sin salida.

En la inserción se nos va la vida, pero es necesaria junto a ella la Organización Política, ese pequeño motor que empuja al movimiento popular. La Organización Política Anarquista en la concepción especifista no es vanguardista, sino de abnegación militante, con la finalidad de incentivar y orientar un proceso de ruptura revolucionaria con amplia participación del pueblo organizado. Respetando profundamente lo específico de ese nivel. Ese proceso lo hemos llamado Poder Popular, proceso de construcción de los organismos de poder del pueblo con los que se sustituirán las estructuras de poder burgués. Entonces, inserción social y organización política van de la mano y se articulan horizontalmente de un modo muy diferente al que han propuesto y desarrollado todos los vanguardismos de la izquierda hasta el momento, que no han hecho más que limitar el desarrollo de las organizaciones populares e instrumentalizarlas como "aparatos" útiles a sus partidos. Por ello el Anarquismo Especifista habla de Pueblo Fuerte y no de "partido fuerte" como lo han planteado todas las corrientes del marxismo. Propugnamos un Pueblo Fuerte, un pueblo constructor de su destino y de sus instancias y grados de libertad según su experiencia de luchas y desarrollo y avances en el proceso de ruptura.

Fruto de esta iniciativa se comenzaron a poner las bases para un nuevo trabajo internacional. En diciembre de 2019 fue refundada la Coordinación Anarquista de Latinoamérica (CALA), formada entre la CAB (Brasil), [83] la FAR (Argentina) [84] y la FAU (Uruguay). Estas organizaciones fueron un polo articulador de toda la corriente y tomaron el relevo de las europeas, que habían llevado la voz cantante hasta entonces.

“…Estamos convencidos que el Anarquismo debe ser operativo, ágil, estar a tono con las nuevas realidades sociales para enfrentar la crudeza que este despiadado sistema impone a los de abajo. Pero para ello, reiteramos, el Anarquismo debe organizarse políticamente. Es la Organización Política la que permite procesar a los militantes las necesarias discusiones y debates, hacer los pertinentes análisis de coyuntura, definir los planes de acción y desarrollo, afinar la táctica con precisión, pero también diseñar una estrategia finalista y la adecuación de dicha estrategia a cada período de acción, a cada coyuntura…”

[85]

Con la CALA se dinamizó extraordinariamente toda la corriente comunista libertaria internacional, a partir de los notables esfuerzos de Nathaniel Clavijo (Uruguay), que contó con la ayuda de Dimitris Troaditis (ahora desde Melbourne, Australia), Jonathan Payn (ahora desde Estambul), Johnny Rumpf (Berna, Suiza) y Gio (Francia) para rearticular la corriente. Como siempre, los veteranos tiran de los más jóvenes hasta que éstos comprenden el funcionamiento.

En 2020, el año de la Pandemia Global, se pusieron las bases de una coordinación internacional mejor articulada que antes. A partir de entonces las reuniones fueron mucho más estables, al poderse hacer de forma telemática. Las reuniones se celebraban cada mes o dos meses y se fue fraguando una coordinación bastante natural.

La razón de tantas reuniones fue la necesidad de la corriente de publicar comunicados. El primero fue para dar apoyo a la revuelta chilena y exigir la libertad de las personas detenidas en las jornadas de diciembre de 2019. [86] Más tarde se firmaría conjuntamente con ocasión del Primero de Mayo, luego del 28 de Junio día de Stonewall, luego para dar apoyo al pueblo norteamericano tras el asesinato policial de George Floyd, también para el 19 de Julio, contra la represión en Turquía, para el 8 de marzo, para conmemorar el aniversario de Krondstadt, la Comuna de París, sobre la Pandemia, contra la guerra de Ucrania, el genocidio de Gaza y un largo etcétera. En cada ocasión firmaban entre 12 y 25 organizaciones de todo el mundo. Otro de los proyectos fue apoyar a los compañeros anarquistas del Sudán, [87] que necesitaban ayuda económica para abandonar el país. En estos tiempos algunas de aquellas personas están regresando.

Otras iniciativas articuladoras han sido las escuelas y campamentos de verano, que realiza cada organización por su cuenta, como los que organiza Embat o UCL desde 2018 y 2020, respectivamente. En el caso de la primera, en el 2024 contribuyó a organizar el primer encuentro especifista del estado español, junto con las organizaciones Liza (Madrid) y Batzac - Joventuts Llibertàries (Catalunya), a la que fueron personas de otros lugares, y de otras organizaciones. De la misma forma, a los campamentos franceses asisten militantes británicos, alemanes, suizos, españoles o italianos, según la ocasión. Die Plattform también ha organizado campamentos de este tipo, mientras que en Australia se celebraba una Escuela Política Anarquista, que ha ayudado a articular la tendencia hasta construirse una federación anarquista allí. Por último, en este verano se celebrará el primer campamento de la ACG británica.

Para el público externo la gestación del anarquismo organizado podría parecer bastante informal. Sin embargo, ha sido un proceso orgánico. Existía una praxis previa que viene desde los años 90. Al principio existe un nivel personal, compuesto por militantes que a veces se reúnen sin mandato de sus organizaciones. Después se da el nivel de reuniones formales de las organizaciones, que son representadas por delegados. El tercer nivel sería el de los grupos de trabajo conjuntos entre militantes de distintos países que sacan adelante proyectos concretos. Es necesario saber leer el proceso y entender los ritmos, que a veces son rápidos y otras lentos. El caso es que a partir de 2020 la dinámica se aceleró.

En definitiva, la Coordinación hacia 2022 estaba compuesta por las siguientes organizaciones:

Alternativa Libertaria (AL/FdCA) – Italia
Anarchist Communist Group (ACG) – Gran Bretaña
Federación Anarquista – Grecia
Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement (AWSM) – Aotearoa/Nueva Zelanda
Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CAB) – Brasil
Federación Anarquista de Rosario (FAR) – Argentina
Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU) – Uruguay
Embat, Organització Llibertària de Catalunya
Libertäre Aktion (LA) – Suiza
Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (MACG) – Australia
Organización Anarquista de Córdoba (OAC) – Argentina
Organización Anarquista de Santa Cruz (OASC) – Argentina
Organización Anarquista de Tucumán (OAT) – Argentina
Roja y Negra – Organización Politica Anarquista (Buenos Aires) – Argentina
Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (OSL) – Suiza
Tekosina Anarsist (TA) – Rojava
Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL) – Francia, Bélgica y Suiza
Grupo Libertario Vía Libre – Colombia

También participaron unas organizaciones de Turquía como DAF [88] o Karala, que ya están disueltas. En estos casos, estas organizaciones no se definían como comunistas libertarias o anarco-comunistas, sino anarquistas a secas, pero siempre existió entendimiento mutuo. De la misma forma que se ha mantenido siempre relación con Tekosîna Anarsîst, [89] organización compuesta por militantes anarquistas internacionales en Rojava.

En algunas de las primeras reuniones también se tuvo contactos con organizaciones de Irán y de Filipinas, aunque se vio que no compartían las bases fundamentales de la corriente y se desligaron los caminos. De todas formas, a partir de 2020 se constató un crecimiento del número de grupos y militantes por todo el mundo. En algunos países este crecimiento ha dado pie al establecimiento de organizaciones nacionales con varios grupos locales, como en Australia, Alemania o Argentina.

La mayoría de organizaciones en esta época se centraron en aprobar y trabajar sobre sus propios programas, superando el modelo de aquellos grupos anarquistas que solamente tenían una lectura vaga de la realidad y a su militancia solamente la unía los principios, el lejano objetivo del comunismo libertario y poco más.

La Coordinación Internacional del Anarquismo Organizado

El resultado de lo anterior ha sido la construcción formal de la Coordinación a finales de 2024. Esta Coordinación no tiene forma de Internacional propiamente dicha, sino de red. Tiene secciones continentales en Europa, en las Américas, y tal vez a medio plazo se haga algo similar en Asia-Pacífico, pero principalmente se articula a nivel global.

Uno de sus proyectos es la propia web anarkismo.net, que ahora actúa como vocero o portavoz de toda la corriente a nivel internacional.

Desde la época de los comunicados, se ha incorporado una organización surcoreana y la federación Black Rose de Estados Unidos. Hay varias más que aparecen por doquier, creándose un mapa cada vez más complejo y difícil de seguir.

Lo que habría que resaltar es la insistencia de la CALA en una unidad teórica y estratégica de todas las organizaciones de la Coordinación, lo cual ha servido para que casi todas las organizaciones se autoevalúen y lleven a cabo sus debates ideológicos, teóricos y estratégicos dando pie a análisis de coyuntura, programas y líneas políticas. En ese momento varias organizaciones no latinoamericanas pasaron a autodenominarse también especifistas y aparecieron algunas nuevas en otros lugares con esa definición, obviando construcciones más tradicionales en sus regiones.

Respecto a las organizaciones coordinadas en la actualidad, son:

América
Black Rose Anarchist Federation / Federación Anarquista Rosa Negra – Estados Unidos
Grupo Libertario Vía Libre - Colombia
Federación Anarquista Santiago - Chile
Roja y Negra, Organización Política Anarquista - Buenos Aires, Argentina
Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (CALA)
Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CALA):
Federação Anarquista Gaúcha - Rio Grande do Sul
Federação Anarquista Cabana - Belem do Pará
Organização Resistência Libertária - Ceará
Federação Anarquista Quilombo de Resistência - Bahia
Federação Anarquista dos Palmares - Alagoas
Coletivo Anarquista Luta de Classe - Paraná
Coletivo Anarquista Bandeira Negra - Santa Catarina
Organização Anarquista Maria Iêda - Pernambuco
También hay una construcción anarquista en la Argentina formada por:
Federación Anarquista de Rosario (CALA)
Organización Anarquista de Tucumán
Organización Anarquista de Córdoba
Organización Anarquista de Santa Cruz
Organización Revolucionaria Anarquista - Buenos Aires

Europa
Anarchist Communist Group – Gran Bretaña
Die Plattform - Alemania
Embat, Organització Llibertària de Catalunya
Midada, Libertär, Sozialistisch, Organisiert - Suiza
Organisation Socialiste Libertaire - Suiza
Union Communiste Libertaire - Francia, Bélgica y Suiza

Oriente Medio
Tekosna Anarsist - Rojava

Asia Pacífico
Anarchist Worker Solidarity Movement – Nueva Zelanda
Anarchist Solidarity / Anarchist Yondae / 아나키스트 연대 – Corea del Sur
Anarchist Communist Federation - Australia:
ACF-Brisbaine - Anarchist Communists Meanjin
ACF-Melbourne - Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group
ACF-Geelong - Geelong Anarchist Communists

En estos momentos hay otros grupos y organizaciones comunistas libertarias en Estados Unidos, Canadá, Brasil (a destacar la nueva OSL por su tamaño), Italia, España, Gran Bretaña, Francia, Países Bajos, Alemania, Suecia, Finlandia, Grecia, Chipre, Turquía, Indonesia y Nueva Zelanda, que no pertenecen a la Coordinación Internacional, pero que guardan contacto con una o con varias organizaciones de la corriente, que suman ya varias decenas entre todas. Por supuesto, también forman parte activa de todo el movimiento, ya que la Coordinación no es ni mucho menos todo el movimiento ni lo pretende ser. En todo caso estos cientos (o miles ya) de militantes internacionales construyen una alternativa libertaria sólida que ya se ha situado en el movimiento anarquista general.

Balance

Terminaremos repasando los períodos de la corriente:

La corriente anarco-comunista del anarquismo viene desde sus mismos inicios con la Alianza Internacional por la Democracia Socialista. Se puede seguir su tradición a lo largo de las décadas. Después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial esta corriente quedó reducida a muy pocos países. De ellos, Francia, Italia y Uruguay tuvieron los movimientos más destacados y llegaron hasta los años 80 a pesar de todo tipo de dificultades.

En los 80 se crearon varias organizaciones sólidas que durarían bastantes años: OSL (fundada en 1982 en Suiza), WSM (fundada en 1984, Irlanda), FdCA (1986, Italia), Union des Travailleurs Communistes Libertaires (1986, Francia), FAG (1985, Brasil), FAU (reorganizada en 1986, Uruguay), Anarchist Federation (1986, Gran Bretaña, que al comienzo era anarco-comunista). Estas organizaciones mantenían contactos entre sí, pero en el movimiento anarquista predominaban – y con mucho – las corrientes sintetista y anarcosindicalista.

En los años 90 van surgiendo nuevas organizaciones. Alternative Libertaire (1991, Francia; derivada de anteriores organizaciones), FAG (1995) y OSL (1997) en Brasil; OSL (1996), ORA (Rosario) y AUCA (La Plata) en Argentina; CUAC en Chile (1999), entre otras; varios grupos en Estados Unidos y Canadá; ORA (1996, República Checa); WSF (1995, Sudáfrica)… Van tomando relación orgánica, por un lado, en Latinoamérica a través de la FAU y la FAG, por el otro, en Europa a través de Alternative Libertaire, OSL y FdCA, cuyos frentes sindicales se acercan a la CGT-E, y ésta las invita a sus encuentros. En paralelo surge la lista de correo Anarchist Platform, que va poniendo en contacto el plataformismo anglosajón.

En los años 1999-2003 se acelera la articulación de la corriente a través del movimiento de resistencia a la globalización capitalista. Surgen grupos y organizaciones en muchos lugares (demasiados como para enumerarlos aquí), se generan espacios de interrelación como ELAOPA, las Jornadas Anarquistas y la CALA en Latinoamérica y la SIL en Europa, aunque ésta también apoya solidariamente las iniciativas del Sur. Toda la corriente anarco-comunista se expande.

Período 2004-2009. Son años de reflujo de las luchas sociales. Y, sin embargo, la corriente ya mantenía relaciones políticas. Fruto de ello es la creación de anarkismo.net (2005), la firma de declaraciones de solidaridad y los primeros encuentros internacionales. Estalla la crisis económica y financiera global de 2008.

En los años 2010-2014 se produce de nuevo una fuerte expansión y articulación. Se multiplican las iniciativas: se consolida la red anarkismo, se firman nuevas declaraciones, se celebra el encuentro de Saint Imier (2012) y surgen nuevos grupos y organizaciones y el movimiento anarquista llega a nuevos países en los que no tenía presencia en Asia y África.

Período 2015-2019. Otra vez un período de reflujo. Hay algunas organizaciones veteranas que se disuelven, otras entran en crisis y estancamiento, otras se dividen o cambian de línea ideológica. Sin embargo, la inercia anterior sigue produciendo nuevas organizaciones.

Por último, el período que va desde 2020 hasta nuestros días, ha dado pie a una mayor coordinación internacional y a un clima que favorece la creación de nuevas organizaciones, ayudado por la crisis que vivieron otras corrientes del anarquismo. En este momento la corriente comunista libertaria ya no es desconocida. No es grande, desde luego, pero demuestra una apariencia mucho más sólida que otras corrientes del anarquismo.

Bibliografía

Fuentes primarias:

CAB (2012). Princípios e Práticas do Especifismo.

Declaración programática de la Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira. Enlace CAB.

FAU (2003). Huerta Grande: Documento de Organización.

Texto fundacional del especifismo uruguayo. Disponible en: FAU Digital.

FAU (2003). El anarquismo en el movimiento antiglobalización.

SIL (2001). Declaración de Madrid.

Documento fundacional de la red. Disponible en: FDCA Archives.

WSM (2000). The Organisational Platform of the Libertarian Communists.

Traducción al inglés de la Plataforma de 1926. Libcom.org.

ZACF (2010). Towards a Fresh Revolution.

Análisis estratégico de la federación sudafricana. Zabalaza.net.

WSM (2001). Report from the Genoa Counter-Summit. Relato de las protestas de Génova. Libcom.org.

Recursos en línea

Manifiesto Comunista Libertario (Fontenis):

Texto completo en español

Archivos de la SIL:

FDCA Historical Documents

La plataforma organizativa para una Unión General de Anarquistas

Archivo Nestor Makhno

Publicaciones

Corrêa, F. (2012). Social Anarchism and Organisation. AK Press.

Correa, F. (2015). Anarquismo social y organización: La propuesta específica. Editorial Eleuterio.

Correa, F. (2022). Elementos de la Teoría y la Estrategia Anarquista [Entrevista por M. Walmsley]. Anarkismo.net.

Fontenis, G. (1954/2013). Manifiesto Comunista Libertario. Edición crítica con prólogo de Frank Mintz. Fundación Anselmo Lorenzo.

García, V. (2017). La Izquierda Libertaria en Chile: De la resistencia a la política institucional. LOM Ediciones.

Gutiérrez, J.A. (2015). El anarquismo en América Latina: La utopía libertaria al sur del río Bravo. Eleuterio.

Lima Rocha, B. (2013). Anarquismo y lucha de clases: Una visión desde América Latina. Revista Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana, 18(60), 13-28.

Lima Rocha, B. (2017). Militância política e estratégia revolucionária: O caso da Federação Anarquista Gaúcha. En Anarquismo & Educação (pp. 77-94). Editora Fi.

Méndez, N. & Vallota, A. (2018). El anarquismo en América Latina: Redes, prácticas y militancias. CEHIPOL.

Olaizola Albéniz, J. M. (2013). La necesidad de organizarse los anarquistas (II). Anarquia.cat. https://www.anarquia.cat/la-necesidad-de-organizarse-los-anarquistas-ii/

Payn, J. (2018). Building Counter-Power: The ZACF and the South African Left. Interface: A Journal for and About Social Movements.

Rugai, R. (2020). Especifismo: A construção do poder popular na América Latina. Editora Faísca.

Troaditis, D. (2020). From Delo Truda to Anarkismo.net: A Century of Anarchist Organizing. Anarchist Studies.

Van der Walt, L. & Schmidt, M. (2009). Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism. AK Press.

NOTAS

1 https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/

2 https://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/wpAL/

3 https://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/

4 Comunicación con José María Olaizola, 20/05/2025

5 Esta organización sindical francesa se remonta a 1981 como agrupación de 10 federaciones autónomas y sindicatos nacionales de carácter independiente. Tuvo bastante influencia de las corrientes trotskistas y, en algunos casos puntuales, también libertarias. En los años 90 tenía unos 50-60.000 afiliados.

6 Conocida como CIB Unicobas, es una organización del sindicalismo de base italiano de fenómeno “Cobas” (comités de base). Unicobas se fundó en 1991 y entró rápidamente en contacto con el sindicalismo alternativo. Contaba con 5000 adherentes.

7 Organización anarcosindicalista fundada en Suecia en 1910 bajo el nombre de Sveriges Arbetares Centralorganisation, En los años 50 fue excluida de la AIT, entrando en conflicto con la CNT española del exilio. Desde entonces existió una rivalidad. Cuando se dividió la CNT española en los años 80, dando lugar a la CGT, esta nueva organización retomó el contacto con el sindicato sueco.

8 La Confédération Romande du Travail (CRT) fue fundada a comienzos de los años 70 por el sindicalismo cristiano. Después algunos años, debido a la influencia de sindicalistas de lucha, cambió de orientación y pasó a formar parte del sector de sindicatos y tendencias de aquella época que intentaron desarrollar un sindicalismo alternativo. Se disolvió en 1996. Su legado de sindicalismo combativo sería recogido más adelante por la SUD del cantón de Vaud.

9 Ídem.

10 En ingrlés, ver “International Libertarian Meeting”. https://web.archive.org/web/20080223130405/http://flag.blackened.net/rev...

En francés, ver Alternative Libertaire, n. 36, octubre de 1995, p.14-15:

https://www.archivesautonomies.org/IMG/pdf/communismelib/alternative-lib...

11 Conversación con Nathaniel Clavijo, 23/05/2025.

12 [Sibersakaya Konfederatsia Truda] Confederación del Trabajo de Siberia (SKT) fue creada en marzo de 1995 por los anarcosindicalistas siberianos, agrupados hasta entonces en una «Confederación de los anarcosindicalistas» que actuó desde 1989 hasta los 2000. Llegó a tener unos 5000 afiliados, según sus cifras.

13 Lucien Van der Walt, “Report on Le Autre Futur” summit Paris. 26/08/2015

https://lucienvanderwalt.com/2015/08/26/lucien-van-der-walt-2000-report-...

14 https://www.wsm.ie/

15 Announcing Anarchist Platform Email List.

https://www.struggle.ws/exwsm/c/announcing-anarchist-platform-email-list...

16 Trenta anni di vita… 01/11/2016

https://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/wpAL/blog/2016/11/01/1986-2016-30-...

17 https://zabalaza.net/

18 El texto se puede leer en idioma original aquí:

https://www.cabn.libertar.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/FARJ_-_ANARQUIS...

19 Entrevista a la FdCA por parte de NEFAC, 2003

https://anarchistplatform.wordpress.com/2010/06/14/the-global-influence-...

20 Contre la globalisation capitaliste!. Alternative Libertaire #96, mai 2001, p. 11

https://www.archivesautonomies.org/IMG/pdf/communismelib/alternative-lib...

21 Se podría encontrar una referencia escrita en la última página del periódico del XVII Congreso de la CGT en A Coruña. 20/10/2013. Juan Pilo indica que el viaje de Mechoso a Europa aceleró los contactos. Entre otros, contactaron con Olaizola, por entonces Secretario General de la CGT.

https://cgt.org.es/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/diario3.qxd_.pdf

22 Olaizola, 20/05/2025

23 Ver algunos comunicados de la RL en la web de Radio Klara:

https://www.radioklara.org/radioklara/?tag=red-libertaria-apoyo-mutuo

24 Naissance d'un réseau international libertaire. Extrait du numéro de mai d'Alternative Libertaire (France):

https://www.ainfos.ca/01/jun/ainfos00171.html

25 Consulta con José María Olaizola. 18/05/2025

26 Declaration of the International Libertarian Meeting. 31/03/2001

https://www.fdca.it/fdcaen/ILS/ils_madrid.htm

27 https://www.instagram.com/fag.cab/

28 Entrevista a la ORA por parte de NEFAC, 2003:

https://anarchistplatform.wordpress.com/2010/06/14/the-global-influence-...

29 El “magonismo” se considera un tipo de comunismo libertario natural de México. Tiene en cuenta la influencia de los pueblos indígenas y bebe de sus usos y costumbres tradicionales y de sus formas organizativas comunitarias. Estas ideas se popularizaron en los años 90. El concepto “magonismo” viene de Ricardo Flores Magón, uno de los impulsores de la Revolución Mexicana de 1910, que era anarco-comunista.

30 El Consejo Indígena Popular de Oaxaca “Ricardo Flores Magón” estuvo activo entre 1997 y 2006 aproximadamente. Era una coordinación de distintas organizaciones locales indígenas del estado de Oaxaca. A nivel internacional se movió en ambientes libertarios.

https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Consejo_Ind%C3%ADgena_Popular_de_Oaxaca_%2...

31 Las siglas vienen de Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Federation.

32 https://www.nodo50.org/auca/menu%20que%20es%20auca.html

33 NEFAC viene de North Eastern Anarchist Federation. Unía grupos de Nueva Inglaterra y Quebec. Sus textos se pueden leer aquí:

https://libcom.org/tags/nefac

34 Como ejemplo, las jornadas de 2008 que organizó la CGT en Madrid, "Una crítica libertaria de la actual coyuntura"

https://info.nodo50.org/Jornadas-Una-critica-libertaria-de.html

35 Para más información, leer a José Antonio Gutiérrez, “Reflexiones sobre veinte años anarco-comunismo en Chile”, 24/02/2020.

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31737

36 Para ver las fotos del primer encuentro:

https://www.nodo50.org/rprj/elaopa/fotos.htm

Para ver algunos documentos iniciales del ELAOPA:

https://www.nodo50.org/rprj/elaopa/forum.htm

37 Encuentro Latinoamericano de Organizaciones Populares Autónomas (ELAOPA) en Santiago de Chile. Rojo y Negro nº 397, febrero 2025.

https://rojoynegro.info/articulo/encuentro-latinoamericano-de-organizaci...

38 Declaración final de las Jornadas Anarquistas 2003:

https://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/declaracion-final-de-las-jornada...

39 Listado publicado por Daniel Barret, Los sediciosos despertares de la anarquía. Buenos Aires: Libros de Anarres, 2011. pp. 153-154

40 https://uniaoanarquista.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/el-anar...

41 Anarkismo.net. Entrevista a uno de los fundadores

https://ithanarquista.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/jose-anto...

42 Cuando se articuló una red anarco-comunista, las organizaciones anarcosindicalistas, como la CGT, la SAC o la CNT-Vignoles, y sindicalistas de base, como Unicobas o la SUD, se reunieron por su parte en nuevas redes, como la FESAL, la Red Sindical Internacional de Solidaridad y de Luchas o la Coordinadora Rojinegra.

43 Fragmento de la entrevista que le hizo Acción Autónoma de Rusia a la ZACF en 2010. La entrevista se puede leer en:

https://zabalaza.net/2010/12/07/autonomous-action-russia-interviews-the-...

44 http://oclibertaire.free.fr/

45 Nick Heath, actualmente es militante del Anarchist Communist Group. Publica bajo el pseudónimo de BattleScarred.

46 https://anarchistplatform.wordpress.com/

47 A Ilan le hicieron una extensa entrevista en 2025:

https://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/57055

48 https://columnalibertaria.blogspot.com/

49 http://www.farj.org/

50 Felipe Corrêa.Entrevista con Mya Walmsey. Elementos de la Teoría y la Estrategia Anarquista. Una entrevista con Felipe Corrêa. marzo 2022.

51 https://avtonom.org/en

52 https://melbacg.au/

53 https://libcom.org/tags/liberty-solidarity

54 Declaración anarco-comunista sobre la crisis económica global y la Reunión del G20, 17/11/2008. https://www.anarkismo.net/article/10681

55 Europe: les communistes libertaires reserrent les liens. 02/03/2010 https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Europe-Les-communistes-libert...

Los acuerdos se pueden leer aquí: https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Rencontre-europeenne-de-group...

56 https://www.blackrosefed.org/about/

57 La CAB no disolvería las secretarías internacionales de cada organización regional o local de la Coordinadora hasta 2016, participando de forma independiente cada una en las coordinaciones internacionales hasta entonces.

58 Declaración de solidaridad internacional con los 46 activistas detenidos en Zimbabwe. 28/02/2011.

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/18895?search_text=declaraci%F3n+intern...

59 Declaración Internacional Libertaria en solidaridad con la lucha popular en Egipto, 25/11/2011

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/21228

60 http://www.iceautogestion.org/index.php/es/

61 WSM takes part in Conference of European Anarkismo organizations in London. 31/03/2011 https://www.struggle.ws/exwsm/c/wsm-conference-european-anarkismo-london...

62 El foro FAO fue precursor de la CAB. Era el espacio en el que se reunían las organizaciones brasileñas para debatir.

63 Jornadas Anarquistas Enero 2011. Sao Paolo. 27/04/2011

https://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/jornadas-anarquistas-enero-janei...

64 Delegation returns from International Anarchist Gathering at St Imier. 21/08/2012

https://www.struggle.ws/exwsm/sites/default/files/MaydayAnarchistStateme...

65 José María Olaizola Albéniz. La necesidad de organizarse los anarquistas (II). Hernani, 27 de Enero de 2013

https://www.anarquia.cat/la-necesidad-de-organizarse-los-anarquistas-ii/

66 May Day. Building a new workers movement. https://www.struggle.ws/exwsm/sites/default/files/MaydayAnarchistStateme...

67 Declaración internacional Libertaria de Solidaridad con la Resistencia Kurda, 22/10/2014

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/27505

68 Noi comunisti anarchici/libertari nella lotta di classe, nell'Europa del capitale, 11/12/2017

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/30713

69 El mapa no se ha actualizado, así que sirve para contatar el estado del movimiento comunista libertario en ese año.

70 Tomemos como ejemplo estos mensajes que recibió UCL en 2015:

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Messages-internationaux

71 WSM closing statement

https://libcom.org/article/workers-solidarity-movement-closing-statement

72 https://www.motmakt.no/

73 https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/

74 2017 Statement on Michael Schmidt Case / Declaração sobre o caso Michael Schmidt

https://ithanarquista.wordpress.com/2017/03/23/2017-statement-on-michael...

75 Entrevista a la UMLEM, 04/03/2008:

https://www.alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/7092

76 Felipe Ramírez, Una apuesta revolucionaria de la Izquierda Libertaria. 03/11/2013

https://periodico-solidaridad.blogspot.com/2013/11/declaracion-nacional-...

77 Ver https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Izquierda_Libertaria

78 https://www.instagram.com/izqlibertaria/?hl=es

79 Sobre el quiebre de Izquierda Libertaria, algunos militantes hicieron este comunicado:

https://www.tercerainformacion.es/articulo/internacional/30/03/2017/chil...

80 https://solidaridadfcl.org

81 https://fasanarquista7.wordpress.com/

82 Jornadas Anarquistas 2019, 20/03/2019.

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31339

83 https://www.instagram.com/cabanarquista/

84 https://www.instagram.com/far_rosario/

85 Comunicado de lanzamiento de la CALA. 15/12/2019

https://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/comunicado-de-lanzamiento-de-la-...

86 Declaración conjunta internacionalista por la libertad de las y los presos politicos de la revuelta social de la región chilena, 12/12/2019

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32109

87 Update on the Campaing for the Sudanese Anarchists. 18/04/2024

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32877?search_text=Sudan

88 https://www.facebook.com/DAFederasyon/

89 https://tekosinaanarsist.noblogs.org/

Miguel G. Gómez (@BlackSpartak)

Alternative unionism and the first contact

The first "black thread" in our entire history. In the 1990s, several anarcho-communist organizations existed: Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (OSL, Switzerland), OSL Argentina, Alternative Libertaire (France),[1] Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchistici (FdCA, Italy),[2] Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU),[3] among others. They had been operating since the previous decade and maintained contact with each other.

Of this series of organizations, it is worth highlighting French anarcho-communism, which emerged in the 1950s. At that time, it featured the Libertarian Communist Federation and prominent theorists such as Georges Fontenis and later Daniel Guérin, as well as organizations such as the Moviment Communiste Libertaire, the Organisation Revolutionaire Anarchiste and the Organisation Communiste Libertaire (OCL). Organizations and journals of this movement had emerged over time, reaching the 1990s with great prestige in the European anarchist movement. Similarly, we can highlight Swiss and Italian anarcho-communism, which ran parallel, but without the same strength as their French counterpart.

In Latin America, the Uruguayan FAU was the most prominent organization due to its revolutionary trajectory and its resistance to the dictatorship. We again find an organization born in the 1950s, which achieved great importance in the 1960s and 1970s. After a few years of being swept away by repression, it managed to reorganize itself in the mid-1980s. Not only that, but due to its political work, it influenced other Latin American groups, as we will see later.

Returning to the main story, in the early 1990s, European organizations also had militants in the so-called "alternative unionism," some holding organizational positions. Therefore, some militants had the opportunity to meet each other personally through alternative union meetings. One of those militants in Spain was José María Olaizola. Throughout the 1990s, he served as Secretary of International Relations for the CGT-E and, between 1993 and 2001, as its Secretary General. At that time, the CGT's goal was to build an international. In his own words: [4]

“This intervention had the purpose of creating both an anarcho-syndicalist and alternative international and a libertarian, anarchist international, and for the two to form an international libertarian movement. In this endeavor, the CGT initiated and participated in many initiatives. There was a lot of travel, a lot of personal contact.”

In specific organizations, it is necessary to differentiate between the political and social or union components (often referred to as "fronts"). In the case of trade unionism, specific militants acted through social or union fronts and, because they were strong militants, they often obtained organizational positions in the unions in which they participated.

The first meeting of alternative unionism was organized in Barcelona by the CGT-E in November 1991. From that moment on, contacts developed with the French SUD-Solidaires union,[5] Unicobas Italy,[6] the Swedish SAC,[7] and other grassroots unions, all of them quite small.

“We organized the first meeting of alternative unionism in Barcelona on November 29, 30, and December 1, 1991, with French SUD unions, in which AL militants participated, such as Patrice Spadoni, a well-known platformist militant with whom we had an ongoing relationship, and then Laurent Esquerre of AL as well. I knew French anarchists due to my exile in Paris. Also present were the CGT of Correcteurs, a very powerful French union run by anarchists of different branches, in which Jacky Toublet was a very prominent militant member of the FA; the CRT of Switzerland [8], where Arístides Pedraza of the Swiss OSL was present; Italian and Basque unions, one English and one Russian, both very small; and the Swedish SAC, which was always reluctant to let anyone want to create a new international; and among the Italians was Unicobas (Stefano D'Errico, its general secretary). Incidentally, both Emili Cortavitarte and Chema Berro played an important role in this meeting. acting as coordinators of the meeting, representing the CGT.”[9]

In 1995, an international libertarian meeting was held in Ruesta, a town in Aragon ceded to the CGT-E. French, Italian, Swiss, Polish, and other anarchist militants attended. Ruesta was important for establishing personal ties internationally.

Ruesta saw significant participation from members of Alternative Libertaire and OSL (Switzerland), perhaps because they viewed it as the French organization's summer camp. In smaller numbers also attended a few members from the FdCA, the Workers Solidarity Movement (Ireland), Al-Badil al-Tahriri (Lebanon; its name in Arabic means Libertarian Alternative), and the Polish Anarchist Federation.[10] Regarding trade unionism, the majority of participants were from the CGT and SUD, although there were also people from Solidaridad Obrera (Spain) and SAC (Sweden).

From then on, these organisations and their delegates met at other international events such as the European marches against unemployment, counter-summits and alter-globalisation protests, such as those in Nice (2000), Barcelona (2001) or Genoa (2001), as well as at other meetings promoted by alternative trade unionism – that is, CGT-E, SUD-Solidaires, Unicobas, SAC, Solidaridad Obrera… – where they formed libertarian blocks. Olaizola continues:

“From here, a group emerged in practice, not just on paper, and we worked together because we had a common strategic vision, moving away from sectarianism. Jacky, Aristides, Stefano, then Gerard Mêlinand (French CNT from OCL...) joined, and later Juan Carlos Mechoso (FAU): all of them great friends and mentors for me. […]”

“We had an excellent relationship with the Italian platformist FdCA: Saberio Craparo, Donato Romito, Adriana Dadá, and Gianni Cimbalo, all great friends. I was involved in all this turmoil, and we met periodically.”

The Uruguayans add that these contacts were not at all casual. Many of the trips abroad were organic: they were decided by the organization. “If personal trips were appropriate, connections were sought more organically rather than spontaneously.”[11] Some of these trips could last months, turning into long stays for political exchange.

On May 1, 2000, the French CNT (also known as “Vignoles”) organized the “Un Autre Futur” days. The events were supported by Alternative Libertaire and the Federation Anarchiste and served to unite French anarchism. Some 6,000 people attended the demonstration behind the CNT banner, a near-historical milestone.

But those events also served as a meeting point for libertarian syndicalist organizations: CNT-F, SAC, Unicobas, Industrial Workers of the World, FAU (Germany), RKAS (Ukraine), Democratic Confederation of Labor (Morocco) and SKT (Siberia)[12] and other countries.[13] And again, they were also a place of socialization for French, Italian, and Irish anarcho-communist militants.

In all these cases, when we talk about making contact at the political level, it's not just a matter of coincidentally meeting at an event or exchanging messages online. In many cases, it was about traveling to a place, living together, and establishing personal connections, absorbing what was happening there and debating—especially debating—and learning to transfer it back to one's place of origin... and then debating again. Personal connections were central to this entire process.

Platformism on the Internet

The second "black thread" is related to the greater connectivity provided by technology. At the dawn of the internet, several anarchist-leaning websites emerged: A-infos, Infoshop, Spunk, and a few others, which emerged in the 1990s. One of those websites was that of the Irish platformist organization Workers Solidarity Movement (WSM) [14]. In just a few years, hundreds of classic texts on the history of anarchism and the anarcho-communist or platformist movement and theory were uploaded to the internet. This movement gained a significant following around the world. Later, they redesigned the website and put it online under the domain struggle.ws, leaving the WSM website for texts related to the organization itself. This dissemination and training work would soon bear fruit with the creation of a South African organization, the Workers Solidarity Front (WSF), inspired by its Irish sister organization.

Shortly before 2000, both organizations (or members of both) created the "Anarchist Platform" mailing list. In their presentation, they clearly identified the type of members they were addressing:[15]

We identify as anarchists and with the "Platformist" tradition within anarchism, which includes groups and publications such as "The Organizational Platform of Libertarian Communists," the "Friends of Durruti," and the "Manifesto of Libertarian Communism." We broadly identify with the organizational practices defended by this tradition, though not necessarily with everything they did or said. In other words, it is a starting point for our politics, not an end point.

The mailing list's opening document bears a strong resemblance to the one that would later be published by anarkismo.net. It is typical for political organizations to issue a "points of unity" document or a "mission statement" that explains the organization's basic policies.

We can also see that they considered their references to be the 1926 Platform of the Delo Truda group; the Friends of Durruti of the Spanish Revolution; and the Manifesto written by Georges Fontenis in 1953. These three texts emphasize the need for a powerful, specific anarchist organization that will articulate the anarchist militancy that intervenes in mass organizations. Ultimately, these social organizations are the ones that will bring the Social Revolution. These are the same texts that FdCA claimed on its 30th anniversary, celebrated in 2016. [16]

The South African ZACF (also known as Zabalaza) [17] (created shortly after the dissolution of the WSF) was also inspired by the same texts, which it considered its fundamental references. Years later, it would add to the list the text "Social Anarchism and Organization," published by the Brazilian organization FARJ after its first congress in 2008. [18]

The mailing list, as we can see, brought together activists from all over the world, although predominantly from the English-speaking world. The list was used to convene an in-person meeting of platformist organizations held in Genoa in 2001, during the alterglobalization counter-summit, at the initiative of the Italian organization. [19]

We should add that in April 2001, the summit of heads of state of the countries of the American continent was held in Quebec, Canada. For the occasion, an "International Declaration of Libertarian Communists" was published, which attacked capitalist globalization and concluded its statement by calling for the construction of a libertarian socialist society. Among the signatories were several platformist organizations (NEFAC, WSM, ORA-S Czech Republic, OCL-France, OSL Argentina, Alternative Libertaire of France and its Lebanese counterpart) along with anarcho-syndicalist organizations from the IWA and specific synthesis organizations. This was an exception, as these currents would rarely come together again. [20]

International Libertarian Solidarity

As we have seen previously, some activists had in mind the creation of an alternative syndicalist international and a libertarian international. The definitive and stable connection between Europe and Latin America occurred around 1994, although contacts had existed before then. The Spanish-Swiss Arístides Pedraza was one of those links and put Juan Carlos Mechoso in touch with the Barcelona militants.[21] From then on, a very good relationship was established. The Spanish, French, and Swiss activists paid for their Latin American comrades' travels, organized talks, press conferences, and meetings. In this way, within the CGT-E, they met "Juan Carlos and Juan Pilo from the FAU, the Brazilians Eduardo, "el Bocha," "el Gaucho," and Verónica from the Argentine OSL. At that time, we helped cover the costs of three ‘ateneos’ in Uruguay, Cerro, Colón, and Acacias." (Olaizola) [22]

The formalization of this network of contacts and organizations would give rise to International Libertarian Solidarity (SIL). This may be our third thread. It was driven by diverse organizations with libertarian communist and anarcho-syndicalist tendencies, while other groups had a less politically defined social anarchism. [23] Its first meeting was held in Madrid on April 1, 2001, at the initiative of the CGT-E.[24] The founding text was written by Juan Carlos Mechoso (Montevideo), Pepe García Rey, alias "Ramón Germinal" (Granada), and Paco Marcellán (Madrid): [25]

Today, as a first step, we support the establishment of a global libertarian network in which all affinity groups that so wish can find their space, open to libertarian organizations, associations, athenaeums, unions, and other libertarian collectives. This network will serve to spread mutual support and solidarity in the struggles, it will function as a source of information and debate for the libertarian world, it will organize international meetings, it will create training schools, it will use videoconferences, the Internet and all kinds of available tools to articulate strategies that allow the introduction and guidance of the libertarian idea in the various social struggles. [26]

Regarding the list of organizations, we have the OSL (Switzerland), Alternative Libertaire (France), Al-Badil al-Tahriri (Lebanon), FAU (Uruguay), the Gaucha Anarchist Federation (FAG, Brazil),[27] the ORA-Solidarita of the Czech Republic,[28] all of them anarcho-communist tendencies, and also the French anti-fascist network No Pasarán, the Magonista[29] organization, CIPO-RFM (Mexico)[30], and the anarcho-syndicalist organizations CGT-E, SAC (Sweden), Unicobas (Italy) and CNT-F (Vignoles, France). The latter participated just in the first meeting, but withdrew from the SIL network. Meanwhile, FdCA (Italy), ZACF (South Africa)[31], AUCA (Argentina)[32], NEFAC (North America)[33], and the newly created Red Libertaria Apoyo Mutuo (Spain) soon joined the network. This attempt at a specific organization in Spain didn't achieve much success.

A couple more international meetings were held in the following years. Their context was that of the resistance movement against capitalist globalization, which in Europe was characterized by counter-summits against meetings of the big Capital (such as those of the World Bank, the G8, or the European Union), which were accompanied by mass protests.

Thanks to their existence, several projects were funded, such as the "Aragón" printing press and an athenaeum in Uruguay, a community center, a cooperative, and a printing press in Brazil, a local office in Cuba, and support for the newspaper of the Argentine NGO. The most important thing is that the SIL brought together various European and Latin American activists, funded trips, published books, published newspapers, funded public events for the organizations, and much more.

As we can imagine, these contacts led to many joint workshops, conferences, debates, and interviews between several of these particular activists that continued well into the 2010s.[34]

However, this initiative of internationalist solidarity didn't last long either. The SIL was created during the period of decline in the alterglobalization movement. Furthermore, the CGT (Spain) changed its secretariat, and these contacts were no longer developed.

ELAOPA, the Porto Alegre Anarchist Conference, and the first CALA

On the other side of the Atlantic Ocean, we find the fourth thread of international construction. Meetings between the FAU, the Brazilian FAG, and Argentine groups had been common in the 1990s. This work had borne fruit, as by the beginning of the new century, other groups of this movement already existed in other countries. Now it was time to articulate them.

On the national level, on the one hand, Brazilian groups and organizations created the Forum of Organized Anarchism (FAO), established in 2002. It was a space for ideological, theoretical, and strategic debate, taking the scale of the event to a new level in Brazil. On the other hand, similar processes had taken place in Chile (1999), with the Anarcho-Communist Unification Congress (CUAC). Not exactly from the CUAC, but certainly influenced by that process, the Chilean Libertarian Communist Organization (OCL) was created in 2002.[35]

Within the framework of the World Social Forum (WSF), held in Porto Alegre in 2003, the so-called Latin American Meeting of Autonomous Popular Organizations (ELAOPA) emerged.[36] The meeting proposed a space separate from the WSF, which was comprised of NGOs, political parties, and even business initiatives. The radical sector of popular movements called for class autonomy and the creation of an alliance of social movements outside of institutions. ELAOPA had the following principles:

1. The Construction of Popular Power.

2. An Anti-patriarchal and Anti-colonial Perspective.

3. Popular Protagonism and Direct Action.

4. Class Solidarity, Mutual Aid, and Internationalism.

In subsequent events, ELAOPA disassociated itself from the WSF and moved to another city, holding meetings approximately every two years. In 2025, the 15th meeting was held in Santiago, Chile, with more than 400 people representing numerous grassroots organizations.[37]

ELAOPA is a meeting of social and popular organizations, and rarely do any of them claim to be libertarian; at most, they claim to be "autonomous," "classist," "popular," or claim to have "libertarian influences." However, the militancy of so-called "anarquismo especifista" was present in many of those organizations. We are talking about the unionist, social and neighborhood militancy of the aforementioned FAU, FAG, and others, who were active in these popular movements and took advantage of the ELAOPA meetings to meet as well.

With ELAOPA, an opportunity arose for face-to-face encounters among libertarian militancy. Therefore, a separate event was created, typically held the day after the Popular Meeting ended: the Jornadas Anarquistas (Anarchist Days). They were (and are) a space not only for propaganda or libertarian culture, but also for strategic debate focused on intervention in social struggles and the promotion of the movement.[38]

The efforts were very successful. By the 2007-2008 period, several new libertarian communist organizations had been created, some with the aim of being national in scope:

The situation of "platformist" specificism is considerably more varied and complex. We already saw at the appropriate time that the Organización Comunista Libertaria, Rojo y Negro, Comunismo Libertario, the Organización Revolucionaria Anarquista, and the Colectivo Comunista Libertario in Argentina should be considered as such; the Organización Poder Popular Libertario in Bolivia; to the groups that revolve around the Forum of Organized Anarchism and the Uniâo Popular Anarquista [Unipa] in Brazil; to the Organización Comunista Libertaria, the Agitación Libertaria Collective, and the Movimiento Libertario Joaquín Murieta in Chile; to the Alianza Comunista Libertaria in Mexico; to Qhispikay Llaqta in Peru; and finally, to the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation, the Cimarrón Libertarian Organization, the Libertarian Federation, and Bandera Negra in Uruguay.[39]

Along with this array of groups, naturally, larger-scale initiatives for coordination also emerged. The largest attempt of the era was the Latin American Anarchist Coordination (CALA), created in 2004 by the FAU (Uruguay), the FAG (Brazil), AUCA (Argentina), Lucha Libertaria, and UNIPA (Brazil).[40] However, this UNIPA broke with the current to create its own political space, "Bakuninism," prioritizing alliances with the Libertarian Communist Alliance (ALC) of Mexico and the Anarchist Revolutionary Organization (ORA) of Argentina. Later, the Forum of Organized Anarchism (FOR) of Brazil was added to CALA. This first CALA lasted only a few years.

CALA adhered to especifist anarchism. They defended a strategy of democratic and disruptive popular power, but they never attempted to define the characteristics of a post-revolutionary society. They understood especifism as anarchist political organization. Therefore, they differed from platformism only in their particular Latin American anarchist tradition and the time in which both proposals emerged. Consequently, their vocation is identical, despite some distinctive developments.

The Creation of the anarkismo.net Website

As we have seen before, the SIL had already managed to connect some 11 anarcho-communist organizations, with another 3 that did not define themselves as such, but, with a little political work, could have adopt it without much difficulty. The disappearance of the SIL network left an organizational void that anarkismo.net would fill.

In the words of José Antonio Gutiérrez:[41]

The idea for Anarkismo.net was initially born as the idea of ​​creating an international magazine. Around 1999, we began talking with a comrade from Alternative Libertaire and myself, who was then in charge of international relations at CUAC [Chile], to discuss the need to get to know each other better as libertarian organizations that were on the platformist wing. There was then an email list where we exchanged discussions and experiences, but we felt we needed more in-depth articles to better understand our politics from our contexts and practices. Our idea was to create an annual international almanac of anarcho-communism, with information on the countries where we were present and their organizations, a highly reflective and critical annual review.

So we began to discuss this idea, and in February 2002, we met Nestor McNabb of the FdCA [Federazione dei Communisti Anarchici] in Dublin, along with Andrew Flood of the WSM. The three of us met at a pub in downtown Dublin, on South William Street. The pub is called Grogan's. There we discussed the idea of ​​an annual almanac, and the idea grew. We took it to our organizations, and with the growth of the internet, we decided that, for reasons of budget, ease of distribution, etc., it was much better to have an international site on anarcho-communism.

Thus, the idea of ​​Anarkismo was born, an anarcho-communist and multilingual site, hence the name, which is "anarchism" in Esperanto. The site, after much work, was launched on May 1, 2005, a very symbolic date. The idea began as a website, but the goal from the outset was to facilitate exchanges between organizations and better understand each other, with the aim of bringing us closer together politically and generating a trend. We didn't want to propose an international organization in name only; rather, we wanted international work and the exchange of experiences to develop gradually and organically, giving way to greater cohesion as a trend, as a movement, with a view to creating an international federation with solid foundations. That was the intention from the beginning.

Militants such as Nestor McNab (Irishman living in Rome), Paul Bowman, Andrew Flood, and Ian McKay (Ireland), Jonathan Payn (South Africa), Dimitris Troaditis (first in Athens and later in Melbourne), Adam Weaver (Miami), Nicolas Phoebus (Quebec), Wayne Price (New York) and the Chilean José Antonio Gutierrez, among others, were key figures in the political, technical, and editorial development of the new portal. They had met through the "Anarchist Platform" mailing list and other in-person meetings. They had read each other's articles and disseminated or translated them in their respective territories and languages.

Among the founding organizations of anarkismo.net were the aforementioned FAU, FAG, FdCA, and Alternative Libertaire (France). Not all of them joined at the same time, but some had been in contact from the beginning but took some time to decide (for example, FAU and OSL). Together with the organizations to which the aforementioned comrades belonged, the foundations were laid for a project that made possible the international articulation of the entire anarcho-communist or platformist movement.[42]

By then, in the first half of the 2000s, several new organizations already existed with some relevance to the libertarian communist movement. To name a few: NEFAC (Northwestern United States and Eastern Canada), CUAC and OCL (Chile), OSL and FACA (Argentina), in addition to the already well-known ZACF (South Africa), Alternative Libertaire (France), FdCA (Italy), and WSM (Ireland).

As we can see, the anarchist groups were predominantly male, and therefore, practically all the international delegates were men. Women attended the meetings most often when the delegations from their organizations were composed of several people.

It is equally important to mention that the roles played by the organizations' militancy in the international meetings were made possible thanks to the work of numerous comrades who, in one way or another, influenced the development and dynamism of their organizations. This occurred in multiple ways: creating theoretical, strategic, or debate contributions; meeting in different settings; disseminating experiences; or contributing to strengthening ties. Each person contributed their own grain of sand.

The movement framed within anarcho-communism understood that anarchism, if it wanted to have any relevance, should be well organized and, of course, take seriously its participation in collective struggles, seeking to empower them, and politically and strategically coordinating all the libertarian people within it.

We define ourselves as Communist Anarchists because we belong to the anarchist tradition that recognizes the need for a dual organization: a "specific" anarchist organization that works within and alongside the mass organizations of the working class.

[43]

Each organization had its own website and journals from which they projected their strategy. The most widely distributed were the monthly magazines Alternative Libertaire and Courant Alternatif [44] in France, and Alternativa Libertaria in Italy, which dated back to the 1970s and already had a readership.

On the internet, in addition to anarkismo.net, the most prolific anarcho-communist sites were the British website libcom.org, which published dozens of biographies related to Makhnovism, usually written by Nick Heath [45]; Nestor McNab's website nestormakhno.info; makhno.ru, in Russian; the Anarchist and the Platformist Tradition website[46]; and A-Infos itself, whose editorial team included the Israeli anarchist Ilan Shalif, a staunch anarcho-communist. [47] These websites contributed to spreading the movement, as struggle.ws and zabalaza.net had done before them.

A Coordination, Not an International

Anarkismo.net did not aspire to be an international, but rather a tool for sharing information about local struggles, theory, and strategies. It operated through a Collective of Delegates and an Editorial Collective, with the former taking on a political role and the latter a technical one.

Some preferred a more defined structure—moving towards an International—like Alternative Libertaire, while others preferred to maintain it as an open space. Despite this difference, some solidarity campaigns were carried out, such as the one in support of the Oaxaca uprising (2005-06).

Over the years, this movement grew stronger in Latin America, especially in Chile (OCL, FEL), Argentina (Joaquín Penina Libertarian Column [48], Red Libertaria, and Brazil (FARJ), where numerous groups, websites, and blogs emerged. And its way of interpreting anarcho-communism, called "specificism," became consolidated. Several Brazilian authors, such as Bruno Lima, Rafael Viana, and Felipe Correa, who founded the Institute of Anarchist Theory and History (ITHA) along with South Africans Lucien van der Walt, Michael Schmidt and Jonathan Payn, contributed to this. Other activists, such as the aforementioned Dimitris Troaditis and the Argentine Emilio Crisi, among others, also contributed to this. The ITHA has almost served as a think tank for academic texts within the movement.

Correa defined especifismo as:[50]

It is a movement that upholds a set of positions regarding the major strategic debates of anarchism. First, in relation to the organizational debate, Especifistas maintain the need for an organizational dualism, based on which anarchists articulate themselves within a political organization, as anarchists, and within social organizations (unions and social movements), as workers. Second, regarding the debate on the role of reforms, Especifistas believe that, depending on how they are sought and achieved, they can contribute to a revolutionary process. Third, regarding the debate on violence, Especifistas believe that it must always be carried out in the context of and concomitant with the construction of mass movements. On the social level, of mass movements, Especifismo promotes a program that has numerous affinities with revolutionary syndicalism.

In Latin America, this movement launched initiatives and trends within labor unions, as well as within the student and neighborhood movements, such as the FEL (libertarian student fronts, present in several countries, although initially emerged in Chile), Resistência Popular in Brazil, and the Federation of Base Organizations (FOB) in Argentina, among others.

To avoid referring to specificism or platformism, which are difficult for the general public to understand, the movement preferred to use the concept of organized anarchism. Elsewhere, the term "social and organized anarchism" was used to further narrow its target audience.

Anarcho-communist groups also emerged elsewhere in the world, most notably in Russia (Autonomous Action [51] – and also in its sphere of influence: Armenia, Georgia, Bulgaria, and Israel), Ukraine (RKAS-Makhno), Turkey (AKI, KaraKizil, Liberter), Australia (MAGC)[52], Greece (Western Greece Anarchist Federation), and with influence in other territories. In the former cases, anarcho-communism was mixed with insurrectionalism, while in the latter, their paths were distinct.

In November 2008, the first G20 summit was held in Washington. For this occasion, the "Anarcho-Communist Declaration on the Global Economic Crisis and the G20 Meeting" was issued. It was the beginning of the crisis. The real estate and financial bubbles had burst a few months earlier, and there was talk of collapse. States had to bail out banks to avoid further damage. Eleven organizations signed the declaration. Several organizations already mentioned on other occasions signed the agreement. The new ones were Common Cause (Ontario, Canada), Union Communiste Libertaire (Quebec, Canada), Unión Socialista Libertaria (Peru), Liberty & Solidarity (L&S, Great Britain) [53] and two synthesis organizations: the Asociación Obrera Canaria and the Anarchist Federation of Berlin. [54]

Sometime later, in February 2010, six organizations from the current met in Paris: the FdCA (Italy), L&S (Great Britain)[53], WSM (Ireland), OSL (Switzerland), Motmakt ("Counterpower", Norway), and Alternative libertaire (France). Their objective was to assess the state of the libertarian communist movement in Europe and promote continental coordination. They created working groups to maintain relations and advance coordination.[55]

The Maturity of the Network

Around the period 2010-2013, the various groups and organizations that claimed to be anarcho-communists and that were already in mutual contact, as we have seen, consolidated the network. It was then that the Anarkismo Editorial Collective was stabilized, which, as we have already seen, was composed of a delegate from each of the organizations. Here is a table showing the organizations that comprised Anarkismo in 2010 and 2015:

2010
Alternative Libertaire (France)
Buffalo Class Action (USA)
Chasqui Anarquista (Ecuador)
Colectivo Socialista Libertaria (Uruguay)
Common Action (USA)
Common Cause (Canada)
Convergencia Juvenil Clasista "Hijos del Pueblo" (Ecuador)
Estrategia Libertaria (Chile)
Federação Anarquista de São Paulo (Brazil)
Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Federação Anarquista Gaúcha / Foro del Anarquismo Organizado (Brazil)
Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchici (Italy)
Four Star Anarchist Organization (USA)
"Hombre y Sociedad" (Chile)
Humboldt Grassroots (USA)
Liberty & Solidarity (UK)
Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (Australia)
Miami Autonomy & Solidarity (USA)
Motmakt (Norway)
North-Eastern Federation of Anarchist Communists (USA)
Organización Revolucionaria Anarquista - Voz Negra (Chile)
Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (Switzerland)
Red Libertaria de Buenos Aires (Argentina)
Red Libertaria Popular Mateo Kramer (Colombia)
Solidarity & Defense (USA)
Union Communiste Libertaire (Canada)
Unión Socialista Libertaria (Peru)
Workers Solidarity Movement (Ireland)
Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (South Africa)

2015
Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA (Italy)
Alternative Libertaire (France)
Black Rose Anarchist Federation / Federación Anarquista Rosa Negra (USA)
Common Cause (Canada)
Coordination des Groupes Anarchistes (France)
Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
Federação Anarquista Gaúcha / Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (Brazil)
Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (Uruguay)
Grupo Anarquista Bifurcación (Colombia)
Grupo Libertario Vía Libre (Colombia)
Humboldt Grassroots (USA)
Libertäre Aktion Winterthur (Switzerland)
Libertarian Communist Group / Grwp Gomiwnyddol Libertaraidd (Wales/Cymru)
Libertære Socialister (Denmark)
Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (Australia)
Motmakt (Norway)
Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (Switzerland)
Organização Anarquista Socialismo Libertário (Brazil)
Organización Socialista Libertaria (Uruguay)
Prairie Struggle Organization (Canada)
Workers Solidarity Movement (Ireland)
Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (South Africa)

In this list, we can already see the disappearance of NEFAC from North America, which was reduced to a few groups in New England (Buffalo and New York) and Canada (e.g., Common Cause and UCL). Eventually, in 2014, the US groups created a federation, Black Rose. [56] We can also see the founding, in 2012, of the Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (Brazilian Anarchist Coordination), based on pre-existing groups (such as FAG, FARJ, OASL, CAZP, and others) [57] that were organized around the FAO forum and already belonged to the Anarkismo network.

The remaining organizations continued the libertarian communist or anarcho-communist tradition dating back to the 1970s and 1980s, such as Alternative Libertaire (France), FdCA (Italy), OSL (Switzerland, joined Anarkismo in 2010), the FAU (Uruguay) and WSM (Ireland).

The French CGA was a split from the Francophone Anarchist Federation following its call to support Jacques Chirac in the presidential elections to prevent Le Pen from winning. Over time, the CGA shifted towards anarcho-communism and eventually merged with Alternative Libertaire in 2019, creating the Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL), which is currently the largest organization of its kind in the world.

Each organization has its own history, and it would take too long to describe them all here. What is obvious is that this movement was articulated on a global scale and was able to take advantage of the rise of radicalism that swept the planet in 2011, in the same way that the SIL developed during the alterglobalization movement.

2011 saw the Arab Spring, the Indignados movement, and the square occupations. It was also the moment when a new generation entered activism. The Rojava Revolution emerged with force. Anarcho-communist organizations emerged in Egypt (the Libertarian Socialist Movement, MSL), Israel (Unity), and Tunisia, which had only existed for a short time, as well as new attempts in Iran, Lebanon, and Jordan.

That year, a statement of solidarity was issued with 46 activists detained in Zimbabwe. It was signed by 11 libertarian communist organizations. [58] That same year, the declaration of solidarity with the popular struggle in Egypt, whose people had just overthrown the Mubarak regime, was signed. [59] This time, 23 organizations signed. New initiatives included organizations from Egypt (MSL), Colombia (Vía Libre and CELIP), Chile (Libertarian Communist Federation and the magazine "Política y Sociedad"), and the United States (Autonomy and Solidarity of Miami). A number of anarcho-syndicalist groups, such as the CGT-E, Solidaridad Obrera, WSA (United States), and the ICEA (Spain), also signed the agreement. [60]

Once again, the Anarkismo network declined to formalize itself as a more solid structure—as an international federation—to avoid falling into rivalries and competition with the other libertarian internationals, the IWA and IFA at the time. However, it is undeniable that it was functioning in a fairly coordinated manner.

In 2012, eight European organizations met again in London. [61] In addition to talking about improving coordination, they launched a campaign against sovereign debt. That same year, Jornadas Anarquistas were held in Sao Paulo, convened by the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation (FAU) and the Forum of Organized Anarchism of Brazil (FAO) [62] to develop especifist anarchism on the continent. On that occasion, they approved strategic documents around the concepts of popular power and federalism.

To speak of "popular" means to imbue the project of power with an eminently classist character, although we must emphasize that we speak of power from a libertarian perspective. A project of the oppressed that arises from popular movements and that accumulates the social force necessary for a long-term confrontation, with firm, strong, and well-defined steps, which we believe are necessary from an ideological point of view.

[63]

It was from then on that the anarchist movement would more decisively adopt this theoretical conception, more typical of the development of the class struggle in Latin America, and it would soon also reach Europe through Embat (Catalonia) and Libertäre Aktion (Bern).

In August 2012, the largest in-person meeting of the movement took place: in Saint Imier (Switzerland). Taking advantage of the International Anarchist Meeting, a tent called "Anarkismo" was set up as a meeting point for the movement's international militants and sympathizers. Approximately half of the 30 organizations that were in contact with anarkismo.net at the time sent delegates to the International Meeting, and a conference of delegates was held. The enormous growth of this movement in Latin America was evident, and a significant development was seen since the beginning of the website.

From the perspective of the WSM delegation, the various Anarkismo meetings held during the week were a valuable opportunity to meet comrades we might never have crossed paths with and to revitalize our involvement in the Anarkismo network. The network itself continues to expand since its very modest beginnings in 2005, both in terms of the number of organizations involved, the geographical dispersion of these organizations, and, most importantly, increased cooperation between them. When each organization presented its work during the morning of the global meeting, it was striking to see the common political and organizational approach we share, despite operating in very different contexts. It also became clear that South American organizations in particular have experienced significant growth in number and influence in recent years.

[64]

As a positive measure: Swiss and French synthesist and platformist organizations, which did not always enjoy good relations, collaborated in the preparation of the Meeting. But not everyone was under the same illusions. The organizational problems were numerous, and what the Meeting lacked most was precisely programmatic clarity:

It would have been a very different matter if, for three or two years in advance, a debate had been prepared and carried out around a common analysis of the situation, a real coordination and federation of organizations and struggles had been promoted, and progress had been made toward establishing a common program... we would be able to reflect and we would have real elements to evaluate, that the fruit of this work in St. Imier or elsewhere would have culminated, and the logic of this culmination would not be a meeting but the creation of an anarchist international.

[65]

In 2014, a joint May Day communiqué was signed by several organizations: [66] ZACF (South Africa), WSM (Ireland), OSL (Switzerland), Collectife Communiste Libertaire (Bienne, Switzerland), FdCA (Italy), WSA (United States), Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (Australia), and Prairie Struggle (United States). Months later, 14 organizations from the movement signed another communiqué in support of the Kurdish resistance. [67] This was the last joint communiqué of this era.

On November 18 and 19, 2017, several European organizations met in Genoa to exchange analyses and establish a European action plan. The Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA (the new name of the veteran Italian organization), Alternative Libertaire (France), CGA (France), the Libertarian Socialist Federation (Wales, Great Britain), OSL (Switzerland), and WSM (Ireland) met.[68] Embat (Catalonia) sent his greetings to the meeting, and from then on, he became much more closely involved with this movement.

By 2020, the Union Communiste Libertaire of France was doing an extensive mapping of the movement:[69]

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?reseau-international-8794

Over the years, a tradition developed of sending greetings to each organization of the current that held a congress. This helped to forge an international movement and made all activists aware that they belonged to a movement much larger than their own organization or local context. [70]

Time Ebb

It wasn't all good news for the movement. In addition to the thorny Chilean issue, which we will soon discuss, between 2018 and 2021, WSM [71] and Zabalaza dissolved, as did other local and regional groups in North America, due to a failure to achieve generational change. Furthermore, other organizations also entered into crisis, without dissolving, such as Motmakt (Norway),[72] with whom contact was lost. Several European organizations disappeared (in Denmark, Portugal, the Czech Republic, and Turkey) or their movements were unable to achieve stability (Great Britain or Russia). In the Americas, organizations in Bolivia and Peru were lost, and there were splits in Argentina, Chile, and the United States.

Another split during this period was that suffered by the Anarchist Federation (Great Britain). This organization, created in 1986 as an anarcho-communist, had long been a synthetist federation. In 2018, there was an internal conflict in AF, and a sector emerged from it that would form the Anarchist Communist Group (ACG),[73] already with a marked libertarian communist tendency. The ACG succeeded British platformist organizations that never managed to take root, such as L&S or the LSF. Even so, several anarcho-communist groups remained that have not yet considered joining the ACG.

The causes of these crises are diverse. For example, various social and political situations arose in several states that made it impossible to cultivate international relations. These relations were also interrupted in the event of internal crises and ruptures within the organizations. Another problem for maintaining stable international relations was the rapid change of delegates, with several organizations having delegates who did not speak English, while other comrades who had managed these relations moved on to other functions within their organizations. FdCA fared worse, as in just four months of 2018, they lost Donato Romito and Monia Andreani to pass away. In other cases, a more internal approach was prioritized, improving integration at the social and territorial levels, but relegating the international arena to a secondary level. Finally, the case of Michael Schmidt and his expulsion from anarkismo.net and ITHA was not without damage. [74]

The Chilean Case

At this point, we should talk about the movement in Chile. Its origins date back to 1999, with the celebration of the CUAC, initiating a process that would later give rise to the OCL in 2002. The following year, a Libertarian Student Front (FEL) was launched, and in 2006, following the so-called "Penguin Revolt" (high school students), the FEL grew exponentially. It managed to attract numerous activists, and when that generation of students went to university, they came to lead the student movement, usually controlled by communists and autonomists. Activists such as Felipe Ramírez, Fabián Araneda, and Melissa Sepúlveda held important elected positions in the Chilean Student Federation (FECH, which is unitary and semi-institutional), which at the time was one of the most powerful popular movements in Chile. Among their most notable initiatives was their highly colorful and recognizable graphic style, which was copied and adapted by many collectives elsewhere. They filled Chile with murals through their Ernesto Miranda muralist units. [75]

Some time later, this entire political space merged into the Izquierda Libertaria (Libertarian Left). This new organization adopted strategic lines different from the libertarian communist magma that had driven the movement up to that point, shifting toward a much less defined libertarian socialism, more in line with libertarian Marxism. At the same time, they achieved a scale never seen before for a libertarian organization in recent decades, rivaling other political parties and organizations much more established in the Chilean scene.

In this context, a sector of libertarians—which I would venture to say is the majority—has made a series of reflections that have shaped the political approach known as "Democratic Rupture" in various articles and public documents, as well as in internal discussion processes. Despite this, there is still some confusion regarding the implications of this wager, which we will try to clarify to some extent with this article.

[76]

Chilean libertarian communist sectors began supporting leftist electoral options in 2013. At first, they did so tactically, without intervening in the campaigns, but calling for a vote for a democratic rupture to overthrow the reactionary democratic regime that ruled the country. Later, in the 2018 electoral process, the Izquierda Libertaria the Frente Amplio (Broad Front), which was running in the parliamentary elections. Due to its participation, libertarian activist Gael Yeomans was elected as a deputy.[77] Since then, the Izquierda Libertaria has had more regional and national deputies, as well as senators. These efforts culminated in a progressive government in the country led by Gabriel Boric, a former autonomist student leader from the same era as the FEL. However, this has not produced the expected radicalization of society to build revolutionary alternatives in a socialist sense through popular power and constituent power. Chile continues to be a capitalist state—of a progressive nature, admittedly—without the slightest hint of socializing policies.

As can be seen, the Izquierda Libertaria [78] had abandoned traditional libertarian communist postulates and was pointed out by rivals and opponents of the anarchist communist current within anarchism as a logical derivation of all especifist anarchism. For this reason, and for other reasons as well, it suffered some splits,[79] such as Solidaridad FCL,[80] some of which in turn followed the parliamentary path, resulting in further splits.

At the Latin American level, the especifist movement distanced itself from all these Chilean groups until the Santiago Anarchist Federation (FAS)[81] emerged in 2019, once again aligned with the rest of the international movement. This FAS, therefore, emerges as a break with the imprint taken by Chilean libertarian communism, returning to Latin American especifism.

From Network to Coordination

Between 2015 and 2019, the movement experienced a setback caused by issues we have already seen, causing divisions in some organizations within the movement, hindering understanding, fostering disorientation, or directly leading to the dissolution of some organizations and the destruction of entire movements, as we have seen.

Not everything was disappointing, of course. While a national British organization (the ACG) had emerged in 2018, in 2019 Die Plattform was founded in Germany, the largest European state that until then had lacked organizations of the movement.

At the 2019 Jornadas Anarquistas, Latin American organizations spoke of the need to relaunch the movement.[82] At this time, they championed especifism, or, in other words, politically organized anarchism, and sought to consolidate it in all regions. Their communiqué defined the role of the anarchist political organization, which should be responsible for developing the theory and analytical tools to understand reality and better operate within it. They emphasized the internal political work of each organization to avoid confusion and dead ends.

Our lives depend on [our social] insertions, but the Political Organization, that small engine that drives the popular movement, is necessary alongside it. The Anarchist Political Organization, in the especifist conception, is not avant-garde, but rather one of militant self-denial, with the aim of incentivizing and guiding a process of revolutionary rupture with broad participation of the organized people. We deeply respect the specific nature of that level. We have called this process Popular Power, a process of building the organizations of popular power that will replace the bourgeois power structures. Thus, social insertion and political organization go hand in hand and are articulated horizontally in a very different way than that proposed and developed by all the vanguardist movements of the left to date, which have done nothing more than limit the development of popular organizations and instrumentalize them as "apparatuses" useful to their parties. For this reason, Especifist Anarchism speaks of a Strong People [Pueblo Fuerte] and not a "strong party," as all currents of Marxism have proposed. We advocate a Strong People, a people who construct their destiny and their own opportunities and degrees of freedom according to their experience of struggle, development, and progress in the process of rupture.

As a result of this initiative, the foundations for new international work began to be laid. In December 2019, the Latin American Anarchist Coordination (CALA) was re-established, formed by the CAB (Brazil),[84] the FAR (Argentina),[85] and the FAU (Uruguay). These organizations served as a focal point for the entire movement and took over from the European organizations, which had been leading the way until then.

“…We are convinced that Anarchism must be operational, agile, and in tune with new social realities in order to confront the harshness that this ruthless system imposes on those at the bottom. But to do so, we reiterate, Anarchism must be politically organized. It is Political Organization that allows militants to process the necessary discussions and debates, make pertinent analyses of the conjuncture, define action and development plans, fine-tune tactics, and also design a final strategy and adapt that strategy to each period of action, to each conjuncture…”

[85]

With CALA, the entire international libertarian communist movement was extraordinarily energized, starting with the notable efforts of Nathaniel Clavijo (Uruguay), who enlisted the help of Dimitris Troaditis (now based in Melbourne, Australia), Jonathan Payn (now in Istanbul), Johnny Rumpf (Bern, Switzerland), and Gio (France) to reorganize the movement. As always, the veterans pull the younger ones until they understand how it works.

In 2020, the year of the global pandemic, the foundations were laid for a more articulated international coordination than before. From then on, meetings became much more stable, as they could be held online. Meetings were held every month or two, and a fairly natural coordination took shape.

The reason for so many meetings was the movement's need to publish international statements. The first was to support the Chilean uprising and demand the freedom of those arrested during the December 2019 protests.[86] Later, it was signed jointly on May Day, then on June 28th, Stonewall Day, then to support the American people after the police murder of George Floyd, also on July 19th, against the repression in Turkey, on March 8th, to commemorate the anniversary of Krondstadt, the Paris Commune, on the pandemic, against the war in Ukraine, the genocide in Gaza, and many others. On each occasion, between 12 and 25 organizations from around the world signed.

Another project was to support anarchist comrades in Sudan,[87] who needed financial assistance to leave the country. These days, some of those people are returning. Other coordinating initiatives have been the summer camps and schools, organized by each organization independently, such as those organized by Embat and UCL since 2018 and 2020, respectively. In the case of the former, in 2024 it helped organize the first especifist meeting in Spain, together with the organizations Liza (Madrid) and Batzac - Joventuts Llibertàries (Catalonia), which was attended by people from other places and other organizations. Similarly, the French camps are attended by British, German, Swiss, Spanish, or Italian activists, depending on the occasion. Die Plattform has also organized such camps, while an Anarchist Political School was held in Australia, which has helped articulate the tendency until an anarchist federation has been formed there. Finally, this summer the first camp of the British ACG will be held.

To an outside audience, the development of organized anarchism might seem quite informal. However, it has been an organic process. There was a prior praxis dating back to the 1990s. Initially, there was a personal level, comprised of activists who sometimes met without a mandate from their organizations. Then came the level of formal meetings of the organizations, represented by delegates. The third level would be joint working groups between activists from different countries that carry out specific projects. It is necessary to know how to read the process and understand the rhythms, which are sometimes fast and other times slow. The fact is that, starting in 2020, the dynamic accelerated.

In short, the Coordination towards 2022 was composed of the following organizations:

• Alternativa Libertaria (AL/FdCA) – Italy
• Anarchist Communist Group (ACG) – Great Britain
• Federación Anarquista – Greece
• Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement (AWSM) – Aotearoa/New Zealand
• Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CAB) – Brazil
• Federación Anarquista de Rosario (FAR) – Argentina
• Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU) – Uruguay
• Embat, Organització Llibertària de Catalunya
• Libertäre Aktion (LA) – Switzerland
• Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (MACG) – Australia
• Organización Anarquista de Córdoba (OAC) – Argentina
• Organización Anarquista de Santa Cruz (OASC) – Argentina
• Organización Anarquista de Tucumán (OAT) – Argentina
• Roja y Negra – Organización Politica Anarquista (Buenos Aires) – Argentina
• Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (OSL) – Switzerland
• Tekoşina Anarşist (TA) – Rojava
• Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL) – France, Belgium y Switzerland
• Grupo Libertario Vía Libre – Colombia

Some organizations from Turkey, such as DAF[88] and Karala, which have since dissolved, also participated. In these cases, these organizations did not define themselves as libertarian communists or anarcho-communists, but simply anarchists, but there was always mutual understanding. Similarly, relations have always been maintained with Tekoşîna Anarşîst,[89] an organization composed of international anarchist militants in Rojava.

In some of the early meetings, contacts were also made with organizations from Iran and the Philippines, although it was clear that they did not share the basic foundations of the movement, and their paths diverged. Nevertheless, starting in 2020, a growth in the number of groups and militants worldwide was noted. In some countries, this growth has led to the establishment of national organizations with several local groups, such as in Australia, Germany, and Argentina.

Most organizations during this period focused on approving and working on their own programs, moving beyond the model of those anarchist groups that had only a vague understanding of reality and whose militancy was united only by principles, the distant goal of libertarian communism and little else.

The International Coordination of Organized Anarchism

The result of the above has been the formal construction of the Coordination at the end of 2024. This Coordination does not have the form of an International, but rather a network. It has continental sections in Europe and the Americas, and perhaps something similar will be done in the Asia-Pacific in the medium term, but it is primarily articulated at a global level.

One of its projects is the website anarkismo.net, which now acts as a speaker for the entire movement internationally.

Since the time of the communiqués, a South Korean organization and the Black Rose Federation of the United States have joined. Several more have appeared throughout, creating an increasingly complex and difficult-to-follow map.

What is worth highlighting is CALA's insistence on the theoretical and strategic unity of all the Coordination's organizations. This has allowed almost all organizations to self-evaluate and conduct their ideological, theoretical, and strategic debates, leading to current situation analyses, programs, and political lines. At that time, several non-Latin American organizations also began to call themselves "especifist," and new ones emerged elsewhere with that definition, ignoring more traditional constructs in their regions.

Regarding the currently coordinated organizations, they are:

America
• Black Rose Anarchist Federation / Federación Anarquista Rosa Negra – United States
• Grupo Libertario Vía Libre - Colombia
• Federación Anarquista Santiago - Chile
• Roja y Negra, Organización Política Anarquista - Buenos Aires, Argentina
• Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (CALA)
• Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CALA):
• Federação Anarquista Gaúcha - Rio Grande do Sul
• Federação Anarquista Cabana - Belem do Pará
• Organização Resistência Libertária - Ceará
• Federação Anarquista Quilombo de Resistência - Bahia
• Federação Anarquista dos Palmares - Alagoas
• Coletivo Anarquista Luta de Classe - Paraná
• Coletivo Anarquista Bandeira Negra - Santa Catarina
• Organização Anarquista Maria Iêda - Pernambuco
• También hay una construcción anarquista en la Argentina formada por:
• Federación Anarquista de Rosario (CALA)
• Organización Anarquista de Tucumán
• Organización Anarquista de Córdoba
• Organización Anarquista de Santa Cruz
• Organización Revolucionaria Anarquista - Buenos Aires

Europe
• Anarchist Communist Group – Great Britain
• Die Plattform - Germany
• Embat, Organització Llibertària de Catalunya
• Midada, Libertär, Sozialistisch, Organisiert - Switzerland
• Organisation Socialiste Libertaire - Switzerland
• Union Communiste Libertaire - France, Belgium y Switzerland

Middle East
• Tekoşîna Anarşîst - Rojava

Pacific Asia
• Anarchist Worker Solidarity Movement – New Zealand
• Anarchist Solidarity / Anarchist Yondae / 아나키스트 연대 – South Korea
• Anarchist Communist Federation - Australia:
• ACF-Brisbaine - Anarchist Communists Meanjin
• ACF-Melbourne - Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group
• ACF-Geelong - Geelong Anarchist Communists

Currently, there are other libertarian communist groups and organizations in the United States, Canada, Brazil (the new OSL is noteworthy due to its size), Italy, Spain, Great Britain, France, the Netherlands, Germany, Sweden, Finland, Greece, Cyprus, Turkey, Indonesia, and New Zealand. These groups do not belong to the International Coordination, but maintain contact with one or more of the current's organizations, which now number several dozens altogether. Of course, they are also an active part of the entire movement, as the Coordination is by no means the entire movement, nor does it claim to be. In any case, these hundreds (or thousands already) of international militants are building a solid libertarian alternative that has already positioned itself within the broader anarchist movement.

Overview

We will conclude by reviewing the current's periods:

• The anarcho-communist current of anarchism dates back to its very beginnings with the International Alliance for Socialist Democracy. Its tradition can be traced over the decades. After World War II, this current was reduced to very few countries. Of these, France, Italy, and Uruguay had the most prominent movements, surviving into the 1980s despite all kinds of difficulties.

• In the 1980s, several solid organizations were created that would last for many years: OSL (founded in 1982 in Switzerland), WSM (founded in 1984, Ireland), FdCA (1986, Italy), Union des Travailleurs Communistes Libertaires (1986, France), FAG (1985, Brazil), FAU (reorganized in 1986, Uruguay), and Anarchist Federation (1986, Great Britain, which was initially anarcho-communist). These organizations maintained contact with each other, but the synthesist and anarcho-syndicalist currents predominated by far within the anarchist movement.

• In the 1990s, new organizations began to emerge. Alternative Libertaire (1991, France; derived from previous organizations), FAG (1995), and OSL (1997) in Brazil; OSL (1996), ORA (Rosario), and AUCA (La Plata) in Argentina; CUAC in Chile (1999), among others; various groups in the United States and Canada; ORA (1996, Czech Republic); WSF (1995, South Africa)… Forming an organic relationship, on the one hand, in Latin America through the FAU and FAG, and on the other, in Europe through Alternative Libertaire, OSL, and FdCA, whose union fronts are approaching the CGT-E, and the latter invites them to its meetings. In parallel, the Anarchist Platform mailing list emerged, bringing Anglo-Saxon platformism into contact.

• In the years 1999-2003, the articulation of the movement accelerated through the resistance movement against capitalist globalization. Groups and organizations emerged in many places (too many to list here), creating spaces for interaction, such as ELAOPA, the Jornadas Anarquistas, and CALA in Latin America, and SIL in Europe, although the latter also provided solidarity with initiatives in the South. The entire anarcho-communist movement expanded.

• 2004-2009 period. These were years of ebb and flow in social struggles. Yet, the movement already maintained political relations. This resulted in the creation of anarkismo.net (2005), the signing of solidarity declarations and the first international meetings. The global economic and financial crisis of 2008 erupted.

• In the years 2010-2014, there was again a strong expansion and coordination. Initiatives multiplied: the anarchism network consolidated, new declarations were signed, the Saint Imier meeting was held (2012), and new groups and organizations emerged, and the anarchist movement reached new countries where it had no presence in Asia and Africa.

• 2015-2019 Period. Once again, a period of ebb and flow. Some veteran organizations disbanded, others entered into crisis and stagnation, and others suffered from splits or changed their ideological line. However, the previous inertia continued to produce new organizations.

• Finally, the period from 2020 to the present has given rise to greater international coordination and a climate conducive to the creation of new organizations, aided by the crisis experienced by other currents of anarchism. At this point, the libertarian communist movement is no longer unknown. It is not large, of course, but it appears much more solid than other currents of anarchism.

Bibliography

Primary Sources:

CAB (2012). Principles and Practices of Especifismo.

Programmatic Declaration of the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination. CAB Link.

FAU (2003). Huerta Grande: Organizational Document.

Founding Text of Uruguayan Especifismo. Available at: FAU Digital.

FAU (2003). Anarchism in the Anti-Globalization Movement.

SIL (2001). Madrid Declaration.

Founding Document of the Network. Available at: FDCA Archives.

WSM (2000). The Organizational Platform of the Libertarian Communists.

English translation of the 1926 Platform. Libcom.org.

ZACF (2010). Towards a Fresh Revolution.

Strategic Analysis of the South African Federation. Zabalaza.net.

WSM (2001). Report from the Genoa Counter-Summit. Account of the Genoa protests. Libcom.org.

Online Resources

Libertarian Communist Manifesto (Fontenis):

Full text in Spanish

SIL Archives:

FDCA Historical Documents

The Organizational Platform for a General Union of Anarchists

Nestor Makhno Archive

Publications

Corrêa, F. (2012). Social Anarchism and Organization. AK Press.

Corrêa, F. (2015). Social Anarchism and Organization: The Specific Proposal. Eleuterio Press.

Corrêa, F. (2022). Elements of Anarchist Theory and Strategy [Interview by M. Walmsley]. Anarkismo.net.

Fontenis, G. (1954/2013). Libertarian Communist Manifesto. Critical edition with foreword by Frank Mintz. Anselmo Lorenzo Foundation.

García, V. (2017). The Libertarian Left in Chile: From resistance to institutional politics. LOM Editions.

Gutiérrez, J.A. (2015). Anarchism in Latin America: The libertarian utopia south of the Rio Grande. Eleutherius.

Lima Rocha, B. (2013). Anarchism and class struggle: A view from Latin America. Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana Magazine, 18(60), 13-28.

Lima Rocha, B. (2017). Political militancy and revolutionary strategy: The case of the Gaúcha Anarchist Federation. In Anarchism & Education (pp. 77-94). Editor Fi.

Méndez, N. & Vallota, A. (2018). Anarchism in Latin America: Networks, practices and militancy. CEHIPOL.

Olaizola Albéniz, J. M. (2013). The need to organize anarchists (II). Anarquia.cat. https://www.anarquia.cat/la-necesidad-de-organizarse-los-anarquistas-ii/

Payn, J. (2018). Building Counter-Power: The ZACF and the South African Left. Interface: A Journal for and About Social Movements.

Rugai, R. (2020). Specificism: The construction of popular power in Latin America. Faísca Editor.

Troaditis, D. (2020). From Delo Truda to Anarkismo.net: A Century of Anarchist Organizing. Anarchist Studies.

Van der Walt, L. & Schmidt, M. (2009). Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism. AK Press.

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NOTES

1 https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/

2 https://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/wpAL/

3 https://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/

4 Mail communication with José María Olaizola, 05/20/2025

5 This French trade union organization dates back to 1981 as a grouping of 10 autonomous federations and independent national unions. It was significantly influenced by Trotskyist and, in some cases, libertarian currents. In the 1990s, it had around 50,000-60,000 members.

6 Known as CIB Unicobas, it is an organization of Italian grassroots trade unionism, part of the "Cobas" (grassroots committees) phenomenon. Unicobas was founded in 1991 and quickly came into contact with alternative trade unionism. It had 5,000 members.

7. An anarcho-syndicalist organization founded in Sweden in 1910 under the name Sveriges Arbetares Centralorganisation. In the 1950s it was excluded from the IWA, entering into conflict with the exiled Spanish CNT. A rivalry existed ever since. When the Spanish CNT split in the 1980s, giving rise to the CGT, this new organization resumed contact with the Swedish union.

8. The Confédération Romande du Travail (CRT) was founded in the early 1970s by Christian syndicalism. Several years later, due to the influence of militant trade unionists, it changed direction and became part of the sector of unions and tendencies of that time that sought to develop an alternative unionism. It dissolved in 1996. Its legacy of militant unionism would later be taken up by the SUD of the canton of Vaud.

9. Ibid.

10 In English, see “International Libertarian Meeting.” https://web.archive.org/web/20080223130405/http://flag.blackened.net/rev…

In French, see Alternative Libertaire, no. 36, October 1995, pp. 14-15:

https://www.archivesautonomies.org/IMG/pdf/communismelib/alternative-lib…

11 Conversation with Nathaniel Clavijo, 05/23/2025.

12 [Sibersakaya Konfederatsia Truda] The Siberian Confederation of Labor (SKT) was founded in March 1995 by Siberian anarcho-syndicalists, who until then had been grouped in a "Confederation of Anarcho-Syndicalists" that operated from 1989 to 2000. It grew to around 5,000 members, according to its own source.

13 Lucien Van der Walt, "Report on Le Autre Futur" (Report on the Other Future), Paris summit, August 26, 2015

https://lucienvanderwalt.com/2015/08/26/lucien-van-der-walt-2000-report-...

14 https://www.wsm.ie/

15 Announcing Anarchist Platform Email List

https://www.struggle.ws/exwsm/c/announcing-anarchist-platform-email-list…

16 Thirty Years of Life… 11/01/2016

https://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it/wpAL/blog/2016/11/01/1986-2016-30-...

17 https://zabalaza.net/

18 The text can be read in its original language here:

https://www.cabn.libertar.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/FARJ_-_ANARQUIS…

19 Interview with the FdCA by NEFAC, 2003

https://anarchistplatform.wordpress.com/2010/06/14/the-global-influence-...

20 Against Capitalist Globalization! Alternative Libertaire #96, May 2001, p. 11

https://www.archivesautonomies.org/IMG/pdf/communismelib/alternative-lib…

21 A written reference can be found on the back page of the newspaper of the XVII CGT Congress in A Coruña, October 20, 2013. Juan Pilo indicates that Mechoso's trip to Europe accelerated contacts. Among others, they contacted Olaizola, then Secretary General of the CGT.

https://cgt.org.es/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/diario3.qxd_.pdf

22 Olaizola, 05/20/2025

23 See some RL statements on the Radio Klara website:

https://www.radioklara.org/radioklara/?tag=red-libertaria-apoyo-mutuo

24 Naissance d'un réseau international libertaire. Extrait de mai number from Alternative Libertaire (France):

https://www.ainfos.ca/01/jun/ainfos00171.html

25 Consultation with José María Olaizola. 05/18/2025

26 Declaration of the International Libertarian Meeting. March 31, 2001

https://www.fdca.it/fdcaen/ILS/ils_madrid.htm

27 https://www.instagram.com/fag.cab/

28 Interview with ORA by NEFAC, 2003:

https://anarchistplatform.wordpress.com/2010/06/14/the-global-influence-...

29 "Magonism" is considered a type of libertarian communism native to Mexico. It takes into account the influence of indigenous peoples and draws on their traditional customs and forms of community organization. These ideas became popular in the 1990s. The concept of "Magonism" comes from Ricardo Flores Magón, one of the driving forces of the 1910 Mexican Revolution, who was an anarchist.

The Ricardo Flores Magón Popular Indigenous Council of Oaxaca (CIPO-RFM) was active between approximately 1997 and 2006. It coordinated various local indigenous organizations in the state of Oaxaca. It moved internationally within libertarian circles. https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Consejo_Ind%C3%ADgena_Popular_de_Oaxaca_%2…

31 The acronym stands for Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Federation.

32 https://www.nodo50.org/auca/menu%20que%20es%20auca.html

33 NEFAC stands for North Eastern Anarchist Federation. It united groups from New England and Quebec. Their texts can be found here:

https://libcom.org/tags/nefac

34 For example, the 2008 conference organized by the CGT in Madrid, "A Libertarian Critique of the Current Situation"

https://info.nodo50.org/Jornadas-Una-critica-libertaria-de.html

35 For more information, read José Antonio Gutiérrez, "Reflections on Twenty Years of Anarcho-Communism in Chile," February 24, 2020.

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31737

36 To see photos of the first meeting:

https://www.nodo50.org/rprj/elaopa/fotos.htm

To see some initial ELAOPA documents:

https://www.nodo50.org/rprj/elaopa/forum.htm

37 Latin American Meeting of Autonomous Popular Organizations (ELAOPA) in Santiago, Chile. Rojo y Negro No. 397, February 2025.

https://rojoynegro.info/articulo/encuentro-latinoamericano-de-organizaci…

38 Final Declaration of the 2003 Anarchist Conference:

https://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/declaracion-final-de-las-jornada…

39 List published by Daniel Barret, The Seditious Awakenings of Anarchy. Buenos Aires: Libros de Anarres, 2011. pp. 153-154

40 https://uniaoanarquista.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/12/el-anar…

41 Anarkismo.net. Interview with one of the founders

https://ithanarquista.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/jose-anto…

42 When an anarcho-communist network was formed, anarcho-syndicalist organizations, such as the CGT, the SAC, or the CNT-Vignoles, and grassroots trade unionists, such as Unicobas or the SUD, joined together in new networks, such as FESAL, the International Trade Union Network of Solidarity and Struggle, or the Coordinadora Rojinegra.

43 Excerpt from the interview Autonomous Action of Russia conducted with the ZACF in 2010. The interview can be read at:

https://zabalaza.net/2010/12/07/autonomous-action-russia-interviews-the-...

44 http://oclibertaire.free.fr/

45 Nick Heath is currently a member of the Anarchist Communist Group. He publishes under the pseudonym BattleScarred.

46 https://anarchistplatform.wordpress.com/

47 Ilan was interviewed extensively in 2025:

https://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/57055

48 https://columnalibertaria.blogspot.com/

49 http://www.farj.org/

50 Felipe Corrêa. Interview with Mya Walmsey. Elements of Anarchist Theory and Strategy. An interview with Felipe Corrêa. March 2022.

51 https://avtonom.org/en

52 https://melbacg.au/

53 https://libcom.org/tags/liberty-solidarity

54 Anarcho-Communist Declaration on the Global Economic Crisis and the G20 Meeting, 11/17/2008. https://www.anarkismo.net/article/10681

55 Europe: Libertarian Communists Resist Liaisons. 02/03/2010 https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Europe-Les-communistes-libert…

The agreements can be read here: https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Rencontre-europeenne-de-group…

56 https://www.blackrosefed.org/about/

57 The CAB would not dissolve the international secretariats of each regional or local organization of the Coordinator until 2016, with each participating independently in international coordination until then.

58 Declaration of international solidarity with the 46 activists detained in Zimbabwe. 02/28/2011

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/18895?search_text=declaraci%F3n+intern…

59 International Libertarian Declaration in solidarity with the popular struggle in Egypt, 11/25/2011

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/21228

60 http://www.iceautogestion.org/index.php/es/

61 WSM takes part in Conference of European Anarchist Organizations in London. March 31, 2011 https://www.struggle.ws/exwsm/c/wsm-conference-european-anarkismo-london…

62 The FAO forum was a precursor to the CAB. It was the space where Brazilian organizations met for debate.

63 Anarchist Conference January 2011. Sao Paulo. April 27, 2011

https://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/jornadas-anarquistas-enero-janei…

64 Delegation returns from International Anarchist Gathering at St. Imier. August 21, 2012

https://www.struggle.ws/exwsm/sites/default/files/MaydayAnarchistStateme…

65 José María Olaizola Albéniz. The Need for Anarchists to Organize (II). Hernani, January 27, 2013

https://www.anarquia.cat/la-necesidad-de-organizarse-los-anarquistas-ii/

66 May Day. Building a New Workers' Movement. https://www.struggle.ws/exwsm/sites/default/files/MaydayAnarchistStateme…

67 International Libertarian Declaration of Solidarity with the Kurdish Resistance, 10/22/2014

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/27505

68 We Anarchist/Liberal Communists in the Classroom, in the Europe of Capital, 12/11/2017

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/30713

69 The map has not been updated, so it serves to show the state of the libertarian communist movement that year.

70 Consider, for example, these messages received by UCL in 2015:

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Messages-internationaux

71 WSM Closing Statement

https://libcom.org/article/workers-solidarity-movement-closing-statement

72 https://www.motmakt.no/

73 https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/

74 2017 Statement on Michael Schmidt Case / Declaração sobre o caso Michael Schmidt

https://ithanarquista.wordpress.com/2017/03/23/2017-statement-on-michael…

75 Interview with UMLEM, 04/03/2008:

https://www.alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/7092

76 Felipe Ramírez, A Bet Revolutionary movement of the Libertarian Left. 03/11/2013

https://periodico-solidaridad.blogspot.com/2013/11/declaracion-nacional-...

77 See https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Izquierda_Libertaria

78 https://www.instagram.com/izqlibertaria/?hl=es

79 Regarding the breakup of the Libertarian Left, some activists issued this statement:

https://www.tercerainformacion.es/articulo/internacional/30/03/2017/chil…

80 https://solidaridadfcl.org

81 https://fasanarquista7.wordpress.com/

82 Anarchist Conference 2019, 03/20/2019.

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31339

83 https://www.instagram.com/cabanarquista/

84 https://www.instagram.com/far_rosario/

85 CALA Launch Statement. December 15, 2019

https://federacionanarquistauruguaya.uy/comunicado-de-lanzamiento-de-la-...

86 Joint Internationalist Declaration for the Freedom of the Political Prisoners of the Social Uprising in the Chilean Region, December 12, 2019

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32109

87 Update on the Campaign for the Sudanese Anarchists. April 18, 2024

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32877?search_text=Sudan

88 https://www.facebook.com/DAFederasyon/

89 https://tekosinaanarsist.noblogs.org/